'f»st  date  stamped  below 


A   HISTORY  OF 

THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

BY 
WOODROW  WILSON,  Pn.D.,  LITT.D.,  LL.D. 

DOCUMENTARY     EDITION 

IN    TEN    VOLUMES 

VOL.    IV. 

Colonies  ano  IRation 


~— **^~ 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON 

(From  the  portrait  by  Rembrandt  Peale  in  the  Vice-President's  Room  at  the  Capitol, 

Washington) 


DOCUMENTARY     EDITION 

A   HISTORY  OF 

THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

BY 

WOODROW  WILSON,  PH.D.,  Lnr.D.,  LL.D. 

PRESIDENT    OF   THE    UNITED    STATES 

ENLARGED      BY     THE     ADDITION      OF      ORIGINAL      SOURCES      AND 

LEADING     DOCUMENTS     OF     AMERICAN     HISTORY     INCLUDING 

NARRATIVES   OF    EARLY  EXPLORERS,   GRANTS,   CHARTERS, 

CONCESSIONS,  TREATIES,  REVOLUTIONARY  DOCUMENTS, 

STATE  PAPERS,  PROCLAMATIONS   AND   ENACTMENTS 

ILLUSTRATED     WITH     CONTEMPORARY     VIEWS, 

PORTRAITS,  FACSIMILES  AND  MAPS  SELECTED 

FROM    RARE    BOOKS    AND    PRINTS 

IN    TEN    VOLUMES 
VOLUME   IV 


HARPER    fef    BROTHERS    PUBLISHERS 
NEW    YORK    AND    LONDON 


77774 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 


Copyright,  1901,  1902.  by  WOODROW  WILSON 

Copyright,  1901,  1902,  1918,  by  HARPER  &  BROTHERS 

Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


VJ 


CONTENTS 


PART  I 

CHAP.  PAGE 

III.  THE  APPROACH  OF  REVOLUTION i 

IV.  THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 51 

APPENDIX  jro 

\\  ~>^ 

ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION  OF  THE  NEW  ENGLAND 

COLONIES       159 

PENN'S  PLAN  OF  UNION,  1697 168 

FRANKLIN'S  PLAN  OF  UNION,  1754 170 

ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION,  1777 185 

If. 

PART  II  . 
ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS 

THE   RIGHTS   OF  THE   COLONISTS,    1772. — From   "Old   South 

Leaflet,"  No.  173 201 

THE  FIRST  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS,  1774. — From  the  "New 

York  Review"  for  1839,  Vol.  I.,  p.  337 211 

DECLARATION  OF  COLONIAL  RIGHTS,  1774. — From  "Journals  of 
the  American  Congress  from  1774  to  1778,"  Vol.  I.,  pp. 
19-22;  edition  of  1823 214 

ADDRESS  OF  THE  FIRST  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS  TO  THE  IN 
HABITANTS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIES, 
1774. — From  Hugh  Gaine's  reprint  of  the  "Journal  of  the 
Proceedings  of  the  Congress"  held  at  Philadelphia,  Sep 
tember  5,  1774 222 

BURKE'S  CONCILIATING  PROPOSALS,  1775.- — From  first  edition 

of  Burke's  Speech,  London,  Dodsley,   1775 241 

"LIBERTY  OR  DEATH" — PATRICK  HENRY'S  ORATION  IN  THE 
RICHMOND  CONVENTION,  MARCH  23,  1775. — From  "Har 
per's  Encyclopaedia  of  United  States  History"  ....  248 

vii 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

REPORT  OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS  ON  LORD  NORTH'S 
CONCILIATORY  RESOLUTION,  1775. — From  the  "Journals 
of  the  American  Congress  from  1774  to  1788"  ....  254 

WHY  THE  COLONISTS  TOOK  UP  ARMS,  1775. — From  "Journals 

of  Congress  from  1774  to  1778,"  Vol.  I.,  edition  of  1823     262 

WASHINGTON  ASSUMES  COMMAND  OF  THE  ARMY  AT  CAM 
BRIDGE,  1775. — From  "Old  South  Leaflet,"  Vol.  II., 
No.  47 276 

MECKLENBURG  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,  1775. — From 
"Raleigh  Register  and  North  Carolina  Gazette,"  Vol. 
XX.,  No.  1023 284 

WASHINGTON'S  CAPTURE  OF  BOSTON,  1776. — From  "Old  South 

Leaflet,"  Vol.  IV.,  No.  86 287 

DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,  1776. — From  photographic 
facsimile  in  J.  H.  Hazleton's  "The  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence:  its  history" 293 

WASHINGTON    RECEIVES    EXTRAORDINARY    POWERS,    1776. — 

From  the  "Journal  of  Congress,"  December  27,  1776   .     .     302 

BURGOYNE'S  SURRENDER  AT  SARATOGA,  1777. — From  Sergeant 
Roger  Lamb's  "Journal  of  Occurrences  During  the  Late 
American  War" 304 

FIRST  TREATIES  MADE  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1778. — From 
Revised  Statutes  of  the  United  States  Relating  to  the 
District  of  Columbia,  etc." 311 

THE  CAPTURE  OF  VINCENNES,   1779. — Selected  from  Clark's 

"Memoirs" 321 

JOHN  PAUL  JONES'S  REPORT  ON  His  GREAT  SEA  FIGHT,  1779. — 
From  "Life  and  Correspondence  of  John  Paul  Jones," 
pp.  180-188 334 

MAJOR  ANDRE'S  LETTER  TO  WASHINGTON,  1780. — From 
Sparks's  "Writings  of  George  Washington,"  Vol.  VII., 
PP-  531-532 343 

CORNWALLIS'S       SURRENDER       AT      YoRKIOWN,       1781. From 

Sparks's  "Writings  of  George  Washington,"  Vol.  VIII., 
Appendix  pp.  533~536 347 


NOTES    ON    ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. — From  the  portrait  by  Rembrandt 
Peale  in  the  Vice-President's  Room  at  the  Capitol, 
Washington Frontispiece 

CIRCULAR  OF  THE  BOSTON  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE. 

— From  the  original  in  the  Boston  Public  Library    ...         3 

GEORGE  III. — From  an  engraving  by  Benoit 5 

GEORGE  MASON. — From  a  painting  by  Herbert  Walsh,  in  In 
dependence  Hall,  Philadelphia 7 

SEAL  OF  DUNMORE. — Redrawn  from  an  impression  of  the  seal        9 
EARL  OF  DUNMORE. — Redrawn  from  an  old  print    ....       10 

THE  ATTACK  ON  THE  GASPEE. — From  a  painting   by  Howard 

Pyle 12 

LORD  NORTH. — From  the  engraving  by  Mote,  after  Dance  .       14 

TITLE-PAGE   OF   HUTCHINSON'S   HISTORY. — From   an   original 

in  the  New  York  Public  Library 16 

GENERAL  GAGE. — Redrawn  from  an  old  print 18 

STOVE  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  THE  BURGESSES,  VIRGINIA. — From  a 

photograph  of  the  original  in  the  State  Library  of  Virginia       19 

JOHN  ADAMS. — From  the  portrait  by  Gilbert  Stuart,  in  Har 
vard  University Facing  p.  20 

ROGER  SHERMAN. — Redrawn  from  an  old  print 23 

JOSEPH  GALLOWAY. — Redrawn  from  an  old  print      ....      25 

JOHN  DICKINSON. — From  an  engraving  after  a  drawing  by 

Du  Simitiere 26 


NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

PEYTON  RANDOLPH. — From  an  engraving  after  a  painting  by 

C.  W.  Peale 28 

WASHINGTON  STOPPING  AT  AN  INN  ON  HIS  WAY  TO  CAMBRIDGE. 

— From  a  painting  by  F.  Luis  Mora 31 

THE  LIBERTY  SONG. — From  The  Writings  of  John  Dickinson, 
edited  by  Paul  Leicester  Ford,  published  by  the  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania 33 

SIGNATURE  OF  JOSEPH  HAWLEY 38 

THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS  AS  IT  APPEARED  IN   1741. — From 

a  drawing  by  Gavelot 42 

PAGE  FROM  THE  DIARY  OF  JOSIAH  QUINCY,  JR. — From  Winsor's 
America.  The  original  diary,  kept  while  he  was  in  London, 
in  1774,  is  preserved  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society 44 

PROCLAMATION  OF  THE  KING  FOR  THE  SUPPRESSION  OF  THE 
REBELLION. — From  an  original  of  this  Broadside  in  the 
Emmet  Collection,  No.  1496,  in  the  New  York  Public 
Library 46 

GAGE'S  ORDER  PERMITTING  INHABITANTS  TO  LEAVE  BOSTON. — 
From  Winsor's  Boston.  The  handwriting  is  that  of  James 
Bowdoin 48 

NOTICE  TO  MILITIA. — From  an  original  in  the  Massachusetts 

Historical  Society 52 

AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  CONCORD  FIGHT. — From  Winsor's  America. 
The  original  is  in  the  Arthur  Lee  Papers,  preserved  at 
Harvard  College  Library 53 

SIGNATURE  OF  ETHAN  ALLEN 54 

RUINS  OF  FORT  TICONDEROGA. — Redrawn  from  an  old  print  .       5^ 

WATCHING  THE  FIGHT  AT  BUNKER  HILL. — From  a  painting  by 

Howard  Pyle 56 

FROM  BEACON  HILL,  1775,  NO.  i.  (LOOKING  TOWARDS  DOR 
CHESTER  HEIGHTS). — From  Winsor's  America  ....  58 

FROM  BEACON  HILL,  1774,  NO.  2.     (LOOKING  TOWARDS  Rox- 

BURY.) — From  Winsor's  America .       59 

ORDER  OF  COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY. — From  Winsor's  America    .      60 

x 


NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

BOSTON  AND  BUNKER  HILL,  FROM  A  PRINT  PUBLISHED  IN  1781. 
— Redrawn  from  a  plan  in  An  Impartial  History  of  the 
War  in  America 62 

RICHARD  MONTGOMERY. — From  an  old  engraving 66 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  AS  A  POLITICIAN. — From  a  painting  by 

Stephen  Elmer 68 

R.     H.     LEE'S     RESOLUTION     FOR     INDEPENDENCE. —  From 

MacMaster's  School  History  of  the  United  States     ...       69 

STATE  HOUSE,  PHILADELPHIA,  1778. — From  a  photograph  of 

the  original  drawing 70 

SIGNATURE  OF  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 71 

JEFFERSON'S  ORIGINAL  DRAFT  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE. — This  facsimile  of  Jefferson's  original  rough 
draft,  with  interlineations  by  Adams  and  Franklin,  is 
from  an  artotype  by  Edward  Bierstadt,  made  from  the 
original  in  the  Department  of  State,  Washington, 
D-  C 72,  73,  74,  75 

REAR  VIEW  OF  INDEPENDENCE  HALL. — From  a  photograph    .       76 

THE  PRESIDENT'S  CHAIR  IN  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION. 

— From  a  photograph 77 

MAP  OF  SULLIVAN'S  ISLAND. — Redrawn  from  a  plan  in  John 
son's  Traditions  and  Reminiscences  of  the  American  Revolu 
tion  in  the  South.  Charleston,  S.  C.,  1851 78 

WILLIAM  MOULTRIE. — From  an  old  engraving 79 

SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE. — From  an  old  engraving 81 

HOWE'S    PROCLAMATION    PREPARATORY   TO    LEAVING    BOSTON. 

From  the  original  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society       83 

EVACUATION  OF  BROOKLYN  HEIGHTS. — From  a  painting  by  F. 

Luis  Mora 85 

CIRCULAR  OF  PHILADELPHIA  COUNCIL  OF  SAFETY. — From  the 

original  in  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania    ...       87 

OPERATIONS  AROUND  TRENTON  AND  PRINCETON.  NUMBERS  76 
REPRESENT  THE  CAMPS  OF  GENERAL  CoRNWALLIS  AND  77 
THAT  OF  GENERAL  KNYPHAUSEN  ON  THE  230  OF  JUNE, 
1777. — Redrawn  from  a  sketch  map  by  a  Hessian  officer  .  89 

xi 


NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

HESSIAN  BOOT. — From  a  photograph 91 

LETTER  CONCERNING  BRITISH  OUTRAGES. — From  the  original  in 

the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania 93 

RECRUITING  POSTER. — From  Smith's  American  Historical  and 

Literary  Curiosities 95 

JOHN  BURGOYNE. — From  an  old  engraving 97 

ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR. — From  an  engraving  after  the  portrait  by 

C.  W.  Peale 99 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. — From  the  portrait  by  Copley  in  the  Museum 

of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  Mass Facing  p.     100 

BENJAMIN  LINCOLN. — From  the  portrait  in  the  Massachusetts 

Historical  Society IOI 

SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON. — From  a  mezzotint  by  Spooner  in  the 

Emmet  Collection,  No.  36,  New  York  Public  Library    .     102 

SIR  JOHN  JOHNSON. — From  an  engraving  by  Bartolozzi     .     .     103 

JOSEPH  BRANT. — From  an  engraving  after  the  original  painting 

by  G.  Romney 104 

PETER  GANSEVOORT. — From  Lossing's  Field-Book  of  the  Revo 
lution  105 

FACSIMILE  OF  CLOSING  PARAGRAPHS  OF  BURGOYNE'S  SURRENDER. 

— From  the  original  in  the  New  York  Historical  Society   .     107 

SCENE  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  BRANDYWINE. — From  an  old 
engraving  in  the  Emmet  Collection,  New  York  Public 
Library 109 

WASHINGTON'S  PROCLAMATION. — From  the  original  in  the  His 
torical  Society  of  Pennsylvania ill 

BARON  DE  STEUBEN. — From  an  old  engraving 113 

FACSIMILE  OF  PLAY  BILL. — From  Smith's  American  Historical 

and  Literary  Curiosities 115 

CHARLES  LEE. — From  a  mezzotint  after  the  painting  by 
Thomlinson,  in  Emmet  Collection,  No.  1902,  New  York 

Public  Library 117 

xii 


NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

REDUCED  FACSIMILE  OF  INSTRUCTIONS  FROM  CONGRESS  TO 
PRIVATEERS. — From  Maclay's  History  of  American  Pri 
vateers  119 

CONTINENTAL  LOTTERY  BOOK. — From    photograph    ....     120 

REDUCED  FACSIMILE  OF  THE  FIRST  AND  LAST  PARTS  OF  PATRICK 
HENRY'S  LETTER  OF  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  GEORGE  ROGERS 
CLARK. — From  the  Conquest  of  the  Northwest,  by  William 
E.  English 122 

GEORGE  ROGERS  CLARK. — From  a  portrait  by  Jarvis  in  the 

Wisconsin  Historical  Society 123 

GEORGE  CLARK'S  FINAL  SUMMONS  TO  COLONEL  HAMILTON  TO 

SURRENDER. — From  Winsor's  America 125 

CHARLES  JAMES  Fox. — From  an  engraving  after  the  portrait 

by  Opie 127 

JOHN  SULLIVAN. — From  a  mezzotint  by  Will   ......     129 

CASIMIR   PULASKI. — From   an   engraving  by  Hall,   in   Emmet 

Collection,  No.  3852,  New  York  Public  Library    ....     130 

JOHN  PAUL  JONES. — From  a  painting  by  C.  W.  Peale,  in  In- 

.    dependence  Hall,  Philadelphia 132 

THE  FIGHT  BETWEEN  "  BON  HoMME  RlCHARD"  AND  "SERA- 
PIS." — From  a  painting  by  Howard  Pyle 133 

WASHINGTON  AND  ROCHAMBEAU  IN  THE  TRENCHES  AT  YORK- 
TOWN. — From  a  painting  by  Howard  Pyle  .....  135 

HORATIO  GATES. — From  an  engraving  by  C.  Tiebout  after  the 
painting  by  Gilbert  Stuart,  Emmet  Collection,  New  York 
Public  Library 137 

BENEDICT  ARNOLD'S  OATH  OF  ALLEGIANCE 138 

BENEDICT  ARNOLD. — From  a  mezzotint  in  the  Emmet  Col 
lection,  No.  1877,  New  York  Public  Library 139 

JOHN  ANDRE. — From  an  engraving  in  the  New  York  Public 

Library 140 

MAJOR  ANDRE'S  WATCH. — From  a  photograph 141 

BENEDICT  ARNOLD'S  PASS  TO  MAJOR  ANDR&. — From  Lossing's 

Field- Book  of  the  Revolution 142 


NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

MAJOR  ANDRE'S  POCKET-BOOK. — From  a  photograph  .  .  .  143 
VIRGINIA  COLONIAL  CURRENCY. — From  a  photograph  .  .  .  144 
LORD  CORNWALLIS. — From  an  old  print 145 

WILLIAM  WASHINGTON. — From  an  engraving  after  a  portrait 

by  C.  W.  Peale 146 

BANASTRE  TARLETON. — From  a  mezzotint  in  the  Emmet  Col 
lection,  New  York,  Public  Library 147 

FRANCIS  MARION. — From  an  engraving  in  the  Emmet  Collec 
tion,  New  York  Public  Library 148 

DANIEL  MORGAN. — From  a  miniature  in  Yale  College  Library, 

New  Haven 149 

COUNT  ROCHAMBEAU. — From  an  old  engraving 150 

NATHANAEL  GREENE. — From  the  original  portrait  in  possession 

of  Mrs.  William  Benton  Greene,  Princeton,  N.  J.    .     .     .     151 

FACSIMILE  OF  THE  LAST  ARTICLE  OF  CAPITULATION  AT  YORK- 
TOWN. — From  a  facsimile  in  Smith's  American  Historical 
and  Literary  Curiosities 152 

PAROLE  OF  CORNWALLIS. — From  the  original  in  the  Library  of 

the  University  of  Virginia 153 

ORDER  PERMITTING  THE  ILLUMINATION  OF  PHILADELPHIA. — 
From  Smith's  American  Historical  and  Literary  Curiosities. 
Second  series.  New  York 154 

NELSON  HOUSE,   CORNWALLIS'S   HEADQUARTERS,   YORKTOWN. 

— From  a  sketch  by  Benson  J.  Lossing  in   1850     .     .     .     155 

EVOLUTION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  FLAG. — Compiled  from  Preble's 

History  of  the  Flag  of  the  United  States.     Boston,  1880   .     .     156 


MAPS 

NORTH   AMERICA,    1750.     SHOWING  CLAIMS   ARISING  OUT  OF 

EXPLORATION Facing  p.         4 

ENGLISH  COLONIES,  1763-1775 148 

The  Appendix  in  this  volume  is  taken  by  permission  from  Mr. 
Howard  W.  Preston  s  Documents  Illustrative  of  American  History. 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. — From  the  portrait  made  late  in  life  by  John 
Johnson.  The  original  has  been  destroyed,  and  the  present 
reproduction  is  from  an  engraving  in  the  Print  Collection, 
New  York  Public  Library.  There  is  also  an  engraving  in 
Higginson's  Larger  History  of  the  United  States  .  Facing  p.  202 

JOHN  WILKES. — From  an  engraving  by  E.  Bocquet  after  a  por 
trait  by  Pine,  in  the  Print  Collection,  New  York  Public 
Library.  John  Wilkes  was  the  founder  of  the  "Society  for 
Supporting  the  Bill  of  Rights,"  with  which  Samuel  Adams  " 
proposed  to  Arthur  Lee,  in  1771,  that  similar  societies,  to 
be  formed  in  the  several  colonies  in  America,  should  put 
themselves  in  active  correspondence 203 

ARTHUR  LEE  OF  VIRGINIA. — From  an  engraving  in  Harper's 
Magazine,  vol.  cviii.  At  this  time  Arthur  Lee  was  the 
agent  of  Virginia  in  London 205 

SAMUEL  ADAMS. — From  an  engraving  by  Paul  Revere  made  for 
the  Royal  American  Magazine,  April,  1774,  in  the  Print 
Collection,  New  York  Public  Library.  This  engraving 
is  from  the  original  picture  by  Copley,  painted  when  Samuel 
Adams  was  forty-nine 208 

CHARLES  THOMSON. — From  Du  Simitiere's  Thirteen  Portraits. 
London,  1783.  Engraving  in  the  Print  Collection,  New 
York  Public  Library.  Mr.  Thomson  was  the  secretary 
of  the  First  Continental  Congress,  holding  that  office 
from  1774  until  1789,  when  he  resigned 212 

ROOM  IN  CARPENTER'S  HALL,  PHILADELPHIA,  IN  WHICH  TH.E 
FIRST  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS  MET  IN  1774. — From 
Lossing's  Field-Book  of  the  Revolution 215 

THE  STATE  HOUSE,  PHILADELPHIA,  AS  IT  APPEARED  IN  1774. — 

From  Lossing's  Field-Book  of  the  Revolution 217 

CARPENTER'S  HALL,  PHILADELPHIA. — From  a  drawing  as  repro 
duced  in  Harper's  Magazine,  vol.  xciii.  It  was  in  this 
Hall  that  the  First  and  Second  Continental  Congresses 
held  their  sessions 219 

CADWALLADER  D.  GOLDEN. — From  an  engraving  by  A.  B. 
Durand,  in  the  Print  Collection,  New  York  Public  Li 
brary,  after  a  painting  by  Waldo  and  Jewett  ....  224 

xv 


NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

FACSIMILE  OF  THE  SPEECH  OF  CADWALLADER  GOLDEN,  JANUARY 
13,  1775. — From  a  copy  of  the  original  Broadside  in  the 
New  York  Public  Library 227 

THE  EARL  OF  HILLSBOROUGH. — From  an  engraving  in  the  Print 
Collection  in  the  New  York  Public  Library.  Lord  Hills- 
borough,  who  was  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  in 
1768-72,  instructed  the  government  of  Massachusetts  to 
require  the  Assembly  to  rescind  the  resolution  which  gave 
birth  to  the  Circular  Letter 234 

THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. — From  an  engraving  in  the  Print 
Collection  in  the  New  York  Public  Library.  In  August, 
1772,  Lord  Dartmouth  succeeded  Lord  Hillsborough  as 
Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  in  Lord  North's  adminis 
tration,  which  he  held  until  November,  1775.  Franklin 
considered  Dartmouth  "a  truly  good  man  who  wished  sin 
cerely  a  good  understanding  with  the  Colonies"  .  .  .  238 

EDMUND  BURKE. — From  an  engraving  in  the  Print  Collection 
in  the  New  York  Public  Library  representing  him  as  the 
"British  Cicero" 242 

THE  EARL  OF  BUTE. — From  an  engraving  by  Benoit  in  the 
Print  Collection,  New  York  Public  Library.  There  are 
engravings  of  Bute  by  Watson,  Graham,  and  Ryland 
after  the  picture  by  Ramsay.  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds  painted 
portraits  of  Bute  in  1763  and  1773 244 

EDMUND  BURKE. — From  an  engraving  by  W.  Ridley  after  a 
miniature  by  W.  H.  Brown  in  the  Print  Collection  in  the 
New  York  Public  Library 246 

PATRICK  HENRY  ADDRESSING  THE  VIRGINIA  ASSEMBLY. — From 
an  engraving  in  the  Print  Collection  in  the  New  York 
Public  Library  after  the  painting  by  A.  Chappel  ....  249 

HANOVER  COURT-HOUSE. — After  a  drawing  in  Harper's  Maga 
zine,  vol.  xcii.  It  was  in  this  building  that  Patrick  Henry, 
in  1763,  made  his  great  plea  and  won  so  strange  a  verdict 
from  a  jury  in  the  celebrated  parsons'  case  at  Hanover 
Court-house  against  the  law  and  the  evidence  ....  251 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  LONDON  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN 
NEW  YORK. — Facsimile  of  an  original  Broadside  in  the 
New  York  Public  Library 255 

JAMES  DUANE. — From  Harper's  Encyclopedia  of  United 
States  History.  In  1775  Duane  moved  in  Congress  to 


NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

open  negotiations  in  order  to  accommodate  the  disputes 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies.  He  distrusted  a 
republican  form  of  government,  and  opposed  the  adoption 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 257 

BOYCOTTING    POSTER. — From    the   original    hand-bill    in   the 

Massachusetts   Historical   Society 259 

GEORGE  III. — From  the  painting  by  Gainsborough,  after  an 
engraving  in  the  Print  Collection  in  the  New  York  Public 
Library 263 

QUEEN  CHARLOTTE,  WIFE  OF  GEORGE  III. — After  an  engraving 
by  Henry  Meyer  in  the  Print  Collection  in  the  New  York 
Public  Library.  She  was  the  youngest  daughter  of 
Charles  Lewis,  brother  of  Frederic,  third  duke  of  Mecklen- 
burg-Strelitz.  She  was  married  to  George  III.  September 
8,  1761  265 

VlEW   OF  THE   ATTACK   ON    BUNKER   HlLL,   WITH   THE    BURNING 

OF  CHARLESTOWN,  JUNE  17,  1775. — From  Barnard's 
History  of  England,  after  an  engraving  in  the  Print  Collec 
tion  in  the  New  York  Public  Library 268 

RESOLUTION  FOR  THE  PURCHASE  OF  ARMS  IN  THE  COLONY  OF 
NEW  YORK. — Facsimile  of  an  original  Broadside,  New 
York,  August  8,  1775,  in  the  New  York  Public  Library  .  270 

"THE  MANNER  IN  WHICH  THE  AMERICAN  COLONISTS  DE 
CLARED  THEMSELVES  INDEPENDENT  OF  THE  KlNG  OF  ENG 
LAND,  THROUGHOUT  THE  DIFFERENT  PROVINCES  ON  JULY 

4,  1776." — After  an  old  engraving  in  the  Print  Collection 
in  the  New  York  Public  Library  bearing  the  foregoing 
inscription 273 

WASHINGTON'S  HEADQUARTERS  AT  CAMBRIDGE. — After  an  en 
graving  in  Harper's  Magazine,  vol.  i.  In  1854,  upon 
retiring  from  his  professorship  in  Harvard  College,  Henry 
Wadsworth  Longfellow  took  up  his  residence  in  this  fine 
old  mansion,  where  he  pursued  his  literary  work  .  .  .  277 

GEN.  ISRAEL  PUTNAM. — After  an  engraving  in  the  Print  Col 
lection  in  the  New  York  Public  Library.  On  Washing 
ton's  arrival  to  take  command  he  brought  commissions 
for  four  major-generals,  one  of  whom  was  Putnam  .  .  278 

GEN.  PHILIP  SCHUYLER. — From  Harper's  Magazine,  vol.  ly. 
After  the  portrait  by  Trumbull.  The  Trumbull  portrait 
is  the  familiar  one,  and  there  are  engravings  by  Thomas 

xvii 


NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

Kelly,  H.  B.  Hall,  and  others.  Schuyler  was  appointed 
Major-General  June  19,  1775,  and  was  assigned  by  Wash 
ington  to  the  command  of  the  Northern  Department  .  280 

ARTEMAS  WARD. — After  an  engraving  in  the  Print  Collection 
in  the  New  York  Public  Library.  Ward  was  one  of  the 
four  major-generals  appointed  in  1775  by  the  Second 
Continental  Congress 282 

JOHN  HANCOCK. — From  an  engraving  by  I.  B.  Forrest  after 
the  painting  by  Copley  in  the  Print  Collection  in  the  New 
York  Public  Library Facing  p.  2'22 

AUTOGRAPHS  OF  THE  MEMBERS  OF  THE  MECKLENBURG  COM 
MITTEE. — From  Harper's  Encyclopedia  of  United  States 
History.  The  Mecklenburg  Declaration  was  adopted  at 
Charlotte,  Mecklenburg  County,  N.  C.,  on  May  20, 

1775,  more  than  a  year  earlier  than  that  of  the  Philadelphia 
convention,  which  is  recognized  as  the  official  date  of  the 
American  Declaration  of  Independence 285 

A  PROCLAMATION  BY  LORD  WILLIAM  HOWE. — Facsimile  of  an 
original  Broadside.  Boston,  October  28,  1775.  In  the 
New  York  Public  Library 288 

A  PROCLAMATION  BY  LORD  WILLIAM  HOWE. — Facsimile  of  an 
original  Broadside,  Boston,  November  5,  1775,  in  the 
New  York  Public  Library 291 

READING  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  BEFORE 
WASHINGTON'S  ARMY,  NEW  YORK,  JULY  9,  1776. — From 
a  painting  by  Howard  Pyle 295 

HOUSE  IN  WHICH  JEFFERSON  WROTE  THE  DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE, CORNER  OF  MARKETAND  SEVENTH  STREETS, 
PHILADELPHIA. — After  an  engraving  in  Higginson's  Larger 
History  of  the  United  States 297 

SIGNING  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. — After  an  en 
graving  of  Trumbull's  well-known  picture  of  the  committee 
presenting  the  Declaration  in  Congress.  The  illustration 
here  given  is  after  a  cut  in  Higginson's  Larger  History  of 
the  United  States 299 

THE  CONGRESS  HOUSE,  BALTIMORE. — After  an  engraving  in 
Lossing's  Field-Book  of  the  Revolution,  vol.  ii.  It  was  to  the 
Congress  House,  Baltimore,  that  the  Congress  adjourned  to 
from  Philadelphia  and  held  its  first  meeting,  December  20, 

1776.  In  this  building  on  December  27th  the  Congress 
delegated   extraordinary   powers  to  Washington      .     .     .     302 

xviii 


NOTES  ON  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL  ERASER. — After  an  engraving  in  the 
Print  Collection  in  the  New  York  Public  Library.  Briga 
dier-General  Simon  Fraser  was  in  command  of  the  Light 
Brigade  in  Burgoyne's  army  which  pursued  the  American 
forces  retreating  from  Fort  Ticonderoga,  and  at  Hubbard- 
ton  he  defeated  them.  He  also  took  part  in  the  first 
battle  of  Saratoga,  September  igth,  and  was  killed  in 
the  second  battle  of  Saratoga,  October  7,  1777  .  .  .  305 

GENERAL   MAP  ILLUSTRATING  THE    BURGOYNE    CAMPAIGN. — 

From  Harper's  Magazine,  vol.  Iv 306 

FACSIMILE  OF  SOME  OF  THE  VERSES  OF  "A  SONG  ON  THE  SUR- 
RENDERY  OF  GENERAL  BURGOYNE." — From  an  original 
Broadside,  October  17,  1777,  in  the  New  York  Public 
Library 308 

HESSIAN  SOLDIER. — After  a  drawing  in  Harper's  Magazine,  vol. 

Iv 309 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. — After  a  cut  in  Green's  Short  History 
of  the  English  People,  from  a  medallion  by  Nini  in  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery 312 

THE   FIRST  FORMAL    DIPLOMATIC    COMMUNICATION    MADE    ON 

BEHALF  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  TO  A  FOREIGN  POWER. 

From  a  facsimile  of  the  original,  reproduced  from  Harper's 
Magazine,  vol.  cviii 314,315 

C.  A.  GERARD. — After  an  engraving  in  Lossing's  Field-Book  of 
the  Revolution,  vol.  ii.  Gerard  was  a  secretary  in  the 
French  Foreign  Office  and  executed  on  behalf  of  France 
the  treaties  of  February  6,  1778,  Franklin,  Deane,  and 
Arthur  Lee  acting  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  A 
full-length  picture  of  Gerard  hangs  in  Independence  Hall, 
Philadelphia 316 

HISTORIC    TABLE    IN   THE     FRENCH    FOREIGN   OFFICE. After   a 

cut  in  Harper's  Magazine,  vol.  cviii.,  from  a  photograph  of 
the  original  in  the  French  Foreign  Office.  On  this  table 
were  signed  in  1778  our  Treaties  of  Commerce  and  Alliance 
with  France 317 

SILAS  DEANE. — After  a  cut  in  Harper's  Magazine,  vol.  cviii. 
Deane  was  sent  to  France  early  in  1776  as  political  and 
commercial  agent  for  the  Colonies,  and  in  the  autumn 
of  that  year  was  associated  with  Franklin  and  Lee  as 

commissioner       318 

xix 


PIERRE  AUGUSTIN  CARON  DE  BEAUMARCHAIS. — After  a  draw 
ing  by  St.  Aubin.  Under  the  mercantile  firm  name  of 
Roderique  Hortales  &  Co.,  Beaumarchais,  between  1776 
and  1779,  furnished  supplies  to  the  Continental  Congress, 
having  entered  into  this  arrangement  with  Arthur  Lee, 
who,  in  1776,  as  agent  of  the  Secret  Committee  of  Con 
gress,  arranged  with  the  French  King  to  provide  money 
and  arms  secretly  for  the  Colonies 319 

GEORGE  ROGERS  CLARK. — From  the  painting  by  Otto  Stark, 
painted  for  the  Indiana  Society  of  the  Sons  of  the  Revolu 
tion.  According  to  Justin  Winsor,  p.  734,  vol.  vi.,  Narra 
tive  and  Critical  History  of  America,  the  only  life  portrait  of 
Clark  is  the  one  painted  by  John  W.  Jarvis,  an  English 
artist,  a  reproduction  of  which  appears  on  p.  123,  vol.  iv.,  of 
this  work Facing  p.  322 

SIMON  KENTON. — After  a  cut  in  Harper's  Magazine,  vol.  Ixxv., 
from  the  painting  owned  by  Robert  Clark,  of  Cincinnati, 
Ohio.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1778  Clark  rendezvoused 
upon  Corn  Island,  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  675  miles  by 
water  below  Fort  Pitt,  and  was  joined  at  this  point  by 
Kenton,  one  of  the  boldest  pioneers  of  the  West,  then 
a  young  man  of  twenty-two  years.  After  the  surprise  of 
Kaskaskia  by  Claik  Kenton  returned  to  Boonsborough, 
but  he  subsequently  joined  Clark  in  his  expeditions  .  .  325 

A  KENTUCKY  FORT. — After  an  ideal  sketch,  from  contemporary 
descriptions  and  plans  by  James  R.  Stuart.  Reproduced 
from  Thwaites's  How  George  Rogers  Clark  Won  the  North 
west.  By  courtesy  of  A.  C.  McClurg  &  Co 330 

JOHN  PAUL  JONES. — After  a  French  engraving  in  the  Print 

Collection  in  the  New  York  Public  Library 335 

THE  FIGHT  BETWEEN  THE  "BoN  HOMME  RICHARD"  AND  THE 
"SERAPIS." — From  an  engraving  by  R.  Collier,  after  a 
drawing  by  Hamilton  in  the  Print  Collection  in  the  New 
York  Public  Library 337 

CAPT.  RICHARD  PEARSON. — From  an  engraving  after  a  drawing 
by  J.  Kent  in  the  Print  Collection  in  the  New  York  Public 
Library.  Captain  Pearson  was  in  command  of  the  Eng 
lish  squadron  which  engaged  Jones's  squadron,  consisting 
of  the  Richard,  the  Alliance,  and  the  Pallas 340 

CARD  OF  PAUL  JONES,  PUBLISHED  IN  THE  "NEW  YORK 
PACKET." — Facsimile  of  a  cut  in  Harper's  Magazine,  vol. 
cxvii.,  reproduced  from  the  original  in  the  files  of  the  New 

York  Historical  Society .    341 

xx 


NOTES  ON   ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

WASHINGTON'S  HEADQUARTERS  AT  TAPPAN. — From  Harper's 
Magazine,  vol.  iii.  On  October  2,  1780,  Major  Andre  was 
hanged  at  Tappan  as  a  British  spy 344 

MAJ.  JOHN  ANDRE. — From  an  engraving  by  J.  K.  Sherwin 
made  in  1784  after  a  picture  by  Andre  himself  from  the 
Print  Collection  in  the  New  York  Public  Library  .  .  .  345 

MARQUIS  CORNWALLIS,  LORD-LIEUTENANT  OF  IRELAND,  1798. 
— After  an  engraving  in  the  Print  Collection  in  the  New 
York  Public  Library  from  an  original  picture  .  .  .  .  348 

THE     SURRENDER    OF    CoRNWALLIS    AT    YoRKTOWN. From     a 

painting  by  Howard   Pyle 350 

WASHINGTON  AT  YORKTOWN. — From  an  engraving  in  Harper's 
Magazine,  vol.  vii.,  after  a  painting  attributed  by  B.  J. 
Lossing  to  George  Washington  Parke  Custis  .  .  .  .  352 


A   HISTORY  OF 
THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

DOCUMENTARY  EDITION 
PART  I. 


A    HISTORY 
OF    THE    AMERICAN    PEOPLE 

CHAPTER  HI 

THE  APPROACH  OF  REVOLUTION 

THE  ministers  did  persist,  and  there  was  revolution. 
Within  less  than  a  year  from  those  memorable  autumn 
days  of  1773  when  the  East  India  Company's  ships 
came  into  port  with  their  cargoes  of  tea,  the  colonies 
had  set  up  a  Congress  at  Philadelphia  which  looked 
from  the  first  as  if  it  meant  to  do  things  for  which  there 
was  no  law;  and  which  did,  in  fact,  within  less  than 
two  years  after  its  first  assembling,  cut  the  bonds  of 
allegiance  which  bound  America  to  England.  The 
colonists  did  not  themselves  speak  or  think  of  it  as  a 
body  set  up  to  govern  them,  or  to  determine  their  re 
lations  with  the  government  at  home,  but  only  as  a 
body  organized  for  consultation  and  guidance,  a  general 
meeting  of  their  committees  of  correspondence.  But  it 
was  significant  how  rapidly,  and  upon  how  consistent 
and  executive  a  plan,  the  arrangements  for  "corre 
spondence"  had  developed,  and  how  naturally,  almost 
spontaneously,  they  had  come  to  a  head  in  this  "Con 
gress  of  Committees."  There  were  men  in  the  colonies 
who  were  as  quick  to  act  upon  their  instinct  of  leader 
ship,  and  as  apt  and  masterful  at  organization,  as  the 
English  on  the  other  side  of  the  water  who  had  check 
mated  Charles  I. ;  and  no  doubt  the  thought  of  inde 
pendent  action,  and  even  of  aggressive  resistance, 

i 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

came  more  readily  to  the  minds  of  men  of  initiative  in 
America,  where  all  things  were  making  and  to  be  made, 
than  in  old  England,  where  every  rule  of  action  seemed 
antique  and  venerable.  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  had  been 
deliberately  planning  revolution  in  Massachusetts  ever 
since  1768,  the  year  the  troops  came  to  Boston  to  hold 
the  town  quiet  while  Mr.  Townshend's  acts  strangled 
its  trade ;  and  he  had  gone  the  straight  way  to  work 
to  bring  it  about.  He  knew  very  well  how  to  cloak  his 
purpose  and  sedulously  keep  it  hid  from  all  whom  it 
might  shock  or  dismay  or  alienate.  But  the  means 
he  used  were  none  the  less  efficacious  because  those 
who  acted  with  him  could  not  see  how  far  they  led. 

It  was  he  who  had  stood  at  the  front  of  the  opposition 
of  the  Massachusetts  assembly  to  the  Stamp  Act;  he 
who  had  drafted  the  circular  letter  of  Massachusetts 
to  the  other  colonies  in  1768  suggesting  concert  of  action 
against  the  Townshend  acts;  he  who  had  gone  from 
the  town  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall  to  demand  of  Hutch- 
inson  the  immediate  removal  of  the  troops,  after  the 
unhappy  "massacre"'  of  March,  1770;  he  who  had 
led  the  town  meeting  which  took  effectual  measures 
to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  tea  from  the  East  India 
Company's  ships.  No  man  doubted  that  his  hand 
had  been  in  the  plan  to  throw  the  tea  into  the  harbor, 
It  was  he  who,  last  of  all,  as  the  troubles  thickened, 
had  bound  the  other  towns  of  Massachusetts  to  Boston 
in  a  common  organization  for  making  and  propagat 
ing  opinion  by  means  of  committees  of  correspondence, 
It  was  late  in  1 772* when  he  proposed  to  the  town  meeting 
in  Boston  that  the  other  towns  of  the  colony  be  invited 
to  co-operate  with  it  in  establishing  committees  of  corre 
spondence,  by  means  of  which  they  could  exchange 

1  See  page  201.  2 


THE  Committee  ct'/"orrdp.Muicrvv  >:.i  il-,,:  T;:v.;i  :-f  /'.•:'....' 
coi,'or!V..»bie  t->  :!  it.Iuav  v.i.iJi  they  hivt  hitherto  cndca 
vc-urcd  tu  d'k-h.triv  v.iih  Fidelity.  Sgajn  add  rift  y/'n  v.itlia  \cty  i»i-' 
tunat'-  {"'  p.  iU"i  OHcovr'y  ;  i'ld  c.inntii  '.us:  cx^i  J.  ti;.  ir  grato'u! 
S-rti'ii-:  r.-  iiJ  having  oSf.i.t'C.i  ibe-  Approbation  v',  iv»  !,:r;  a'  \:aio- 
ri-.y  :  tit  •  <  -wns  »i»  Hii^  >.  olor  V,  tor  tlu'.r  p!t  .vur,ui..>n  tj  t!ic 
g."  ,al  h  u-fdi. 

A  >"•  r   extranrdlrtary  (\-currcncc  polubly  rnvcr  \\t  looic   i  i.^. 
i     slim  u\i  ;  the  •  roxiilirn'.ial  (.'arc  of  that  ^r.icirvi/  i>  •.  i:.^  *ho 
duv'ki;  ih.f  «3iiy  vScitltrs  of  this  '.lountrv    to  cftibli/h  3  U^     '. 
from  i'\rjnny  *W  thcnifclvcs  anJ    tluir  I'oikrity  ia  -/...'•'.',  . 
again  wond.r'ul'y  intcrp  fvd   to  biing   to  I  i.,ht  the  TLt  t.  at  had 
be*.n  laid  tor  us  by  our  malicious  and  inli.,iou*  Lnunics. 

Our  prcfent  Oovrnor  has  been  exerting  him  (I  If  (as  thfc  honoraMc' 
Houie  of  Atrt'iihiv  have-  cxpiML.l  themielvci  in  their  late  Rdnlvis). 
"  by  his  fccrct  conBdential  v  oriclpondcncc,  tn  introduce  Mcafurcs 
"  deftruft've  of  our  conlluutionalLibcrty.  while  he  has  practiced  every 
"  meihod  among  the  People  of  this  Fro  vine  •.  to  fix  in  their  Minds 
"an  exalted  Opinion  of  his  vv^wneft  Affctkm  for  them,  and  his 
".unrcrnitted'  Endeavours  to  promote  their  belt  Interelt.at  the  Court 
"  of  Great-Britain."  This  will  abundantly  appear  by  the  Letters 
and  Rcfolvcs  which  We  herewith  tranfmit  to  you  ;  the  feriousPcrufa! 
of  which  will  fhcw  you  your  prefent  mod  dangerous  Situation. 
This  Period  calls  for  the  ftricleft  Concurrence  in  Sentiment  and 
Aclion  of  ev'ery  individual  of  this  Province,  and  we  may  add,  of 
THIS  CONTINENT;  alj  private  Views  fhould  be  annihilated,  and 
the  Gopd  of  the  Whole  fhould  be  the  finglc  Objccl  of  ourPiirfuit  — 
"  By  uniting  we  ftand,"  and  (hall  be  able  to  defeat  the  Invader? 
and  Yiolaters  of  our  Rights. 

/ 
We  are, 

Tour  Friends  and  hujnvle  Servants, 

Signed  by  Dircftion  of  the  CjjrdmitteeJfcr  Corrcfpor.dencc  in  Bo/Jon, 

.     \To-vn-OcrL 


__ 

To  the  Toivn-Clfk  of  >  to  be  immediately 

delivered  to  the  Committee  of  CorrefponJence  for  jour  To-din^ 
iffuch  a  Committee  is  chofen.  otbcrTui/e  to  t/jc  Gentlemen  the 
•Sclefimtn,  to  te  communicated  to  the  'Town. 


CIRCULAR   OF  THE   BOSTON    COMMITTEE   OF   CORRESPONDENCE 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN    PEOPLE 

views,  and,  if  need  were,  concert  action.  The  end  of 
November  had  come  before  he  could  make  Boston's 
initiative  complete  in  the  matter;  and  yet  the  few  scant 
weeks  that  remained  of  the  year  were  not  gone  before 
more  than  eighty  towns  had  responded. 

It  turned  out  that  he  had  invented  a  tremendously 
powerful  engine  of  propaganda  for  such  opinions  and 
suggestions  of  action  as  he  chose  to  put  upon  the  wind 
or  set  afloat  in  his  private  correspondence, — as  he  had, 
no  doubt,  foreseen,  with  his  keen  appreciation  of  the 
most  effectual  means  of  agitation.  Here  was,  in  effect, 
a  league  of  towns  to  watch  and  to  control  the  course 
of  affairs.  There  was  nothing  absolutely  novel  in 
the  plan,  except  its  formal  completeness  and  its  ap 
pearance  of  permanence,  as  if  of  a  standing  political 
arrangement  made  out  of  hand.  In  the  year  1765, 
which  was  now  seven  years  gone  by,  Richard  Henry 
Lee  had  taken  an  active  part  among  his  neighbors  in 
Virginia  in  forming  the  "Westmoreland  Association," 
which  drew  many  of  the  leading  spirits  of  the  great 
county  of  Westmoreland  together  in  concerted  resist 
ance  to  the  Stamp  Act.  Four  years  later  (1769)  the 
Burgesses  of  Virginia,  cut  short  in  their  regular  session 
as  a  legislature  by  a  sudden  dissolution  proclaimed 
by  their  royal  governor,  met  in  Mr.  Anthony  Hay's 
house  in  Williamsburg  and  adopted  the  resolutions  for 
a  general  non- importation  association  which  George 
Mason  had  drawn  up,  and  which  George  Washington, 
Mr.  Mason's  neighbor  and  confidant,  read  and  moved. 
There  followed  the  immediate  organization  of  local 
associations  throughout  the  little  commonwealth  to 
see  to  the  keeping  of  the  pledge  there  taken.  Virginia 
had  no  town  meetings;  each  colony  took  its  measures 

4 


150'  140'         130'       120'    110'    100°    90°      80'      70°        60'          50°  40°  30' 


100  Longitude    Wait      90'     from    Greenwich  80' 


NORTH  AMERICA  175O,  SHOWING  CLAIMS 
OUT  OF  EXPLORATION. 


GEORGE  III. 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

of  non  -  importation  and  resistance  to  parliamentary 
taxation  after  its  own  fashion ;  but  wherever  there  were 
Englishmen  accustomed  to  political  action  there  was 
always  this  thought  of  free  association  and  quick  and 
organized  cooperation  in  the  air,  which  no  one  was 
surprised  at  any  time  to  see  acted  upon  and  made  an 
instrument  of  agitation. 

What  made  the  Massachusetts  committees  of  corre 
spondence  especially  significant  and  especially  telling 
in  their  effect  upon  affairs  was  that  they  were  not  used, 
like  the  "  Westmoreland  Association  "  or  the  non-im 
portation  associations  of  1769,  merely  as  a  means  of 
keeping  neighbors  steadfast  in  the  observance  of  a 
simple  resolution  of  passive  resistance,  but  were  em 
ployed  to  develop  opinion  and  originate  action  from 
month  to  month, — dilatory,  defensive,  or  aggressive,  as 
occasion  or  a  change  of  circumstances  might  demand. 
The  non-importation  associations  had  been  powerful 
enough,  as  some  men  had  reason  to  know.  The  de 
termination  not  to  import  or  use  any  of  the  things 
upon  which  Parliament  had  laid  a  tax  to  be  taken  of 
the  colonies, — wine,  oil,  glass,  paper,  tea,  or  any  of  the 
rest  of  the  list, — was  not  a  thing  all  men  had  thought 
of  or  spontaneously  agreed  to.  Certain  leading  gentle 
men,  like  Mr.  Mason  and  Colonel  Washington,  deemed 
it  a  serviceable  means  of  constitutional  resistance  to 
the  mistaken  course  of  the  ministry,  induced  influential 
members  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  to  indorse  it,  and 
formed  associations  to  put  it  into  effect, — to  see  to  it 
that  no  one  drank  wine  or  tea  which  had  been  brought 
in  under  Mr.  Townshend's  taxes.  There  was  here 
no  command  of  law, — only  a  moral  compulsion,  the 
"  pressure  of  opinion  " ;  but  it  was  no  light  matter  to  be 

6 


THE  APPROACH  OF  REVOLUTION 

censured  and  talked  about  by  the  leading  people  in 
your  county  as  a  person  who  defied  the  better  sort  of 
opinion  and  preferred  wine  and  tea  to  the  liberties  of 


GEORGE   MASON 


the  colony.  Associated  opinion,  spoken  by  influential 
men,  proved  a  tremendous  engine  of  quiet  duress,  and 
the  unwilling  found  it  prudent  to  conform.  It  was 
harder  yet  for  the  timid  where  active  committees  of 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

correspondence  looked  into  and  suggested  opinion. 
Men  could  give  up  their  wine,  or  women  their  tea,  and 
still  keep  what  opinions  they  pleased;  but  committees 
of  correspondence  sought  out  opinion,  provoked  dis 
cussion,  forced  men  to  take  sides  or  seem  indifferent; 
more  than  all,  saw  to  it  that  Mr.  Samuel  Adams's  opin 
ions  were  duly  promulgated  and  established  by  ar 
gument. 

Men  thought  for  themselves  in  Massachusetts,  and 
Mr.  Adams  was  too  astute  a  leader  to  seem  to  force 
opinions  upon  them.  He  knew  a  better  and  more  cer 
tain  way.  He  drew  Mr.  Hutchinson,  the  governor,  into 
controversy,  and  provoked  him  to  unguarded  heat  in 
the  expression  of  his  views  as  to  the  paramount  author 
ity  of  Parliament  and  the  bounden  duty  of  the  colonists 
to  submit  if  they  would  not  be  accounted  rebels.  He 
let  heat  in  the  governor  generate  heat  in  those  who 
loved  the  liberty  of  the  colony;  supplied  patriots  with 
arguments,  phrases,  resolutions  of  right  and  privilege; 
watchfully  kept  the  fire  alive;  forced  those  who  were 
strong  openly  to  take  sides  and  declare  themselves, 
and  those  who  were  weak  to  think  with  their  neighbors  ; 
infused  agitation,  disquiet,  discontent,  dissonance  of 
opinion  into  the  very  air;  and  let  everything  that  was 
being  said  or  done  run  at  once  from  town  to  town  through 
the  ever  talkative  committees  of  correspondence.  He 
sincerely  loved  the  liberty  to  which  America  had  been 
bred;  loved  affairs,  and  wanted  nothing  for  himself, 
except  the  ears  of  his  neighbors ;  loved  the  air  of  strife 
and  the  day  of  debate,  and  the  busy  concert  of  endless 
agitation;  was  statesman  and  demagogue  in  one,  and 
had  now  a  cause  which  even  slow  and  thoughtful  men 
were  constrained  to  deem  just. 

8 


THE  APPROACH   OF   REVOLUTION 


The  ministers  supplied  fuel  enough  and  to  spare  to 
keep  alive  the  fires  he  kindled;  and  presently  the  sys 
tem  of  committees  which  he  had  devised  for  the  towns 
of  a  single  colony  had  been  put  into  use  to  bring  the 
several  colonies  themselves  together.  Opinion  began 
to  be  made  and  moved  and  augmented  upon  a  great 
scale.  Spontaneous,  no  doubt,  at  first,  at  heart  spon 
taneous  always,  it  was  elaborately,  skilfully,  persist 
ently  assisted,  added  to,  made  definite,  vocal,  univer 
sal, — now  under  the  lead  of  men  in  one  colony,  again 
under  the  lead  of  those  in  an 
other.  Massachusetts,  with  her 
busy  port  and  her  noisy  town 
meetings,  drew  the  centre  of  the 
storm  to  herself;  but  the  other 
colonies  were  not  different  in 
temper.'  Virginia,  in  particular, 
was  as  forward  as  Massachu 
setts.  Virginia  had  got  a  new 
governor  out  of  England  early 
in  1772,  John  Murray,  Earl  of 
Dunmore,  who  let  more  than  a 

year  go  by  from  his  first  brief  meeting  with  the  Bur 
gesses  before  he  summoned  them  again,  because  he 
liked  their  lack  of  submission  as  little  as  they  liked  his 
dark  brow  and  masterful  temper;  but  he  suffered  them 
to  convene  at  last,  in  March,  1773,  and  they  forthwith 
gave  him  a  taste  of  their  quality,  as  little  to  his  palate 
as  he  could  have  expected. 

It  was  in  June,  1772,  while  the  Virginian  burgesses 
waited  for  their  tardy  summons  to  Williamsburg  that 
his  Majesty's  revenue  cutter  Gaspee  was  deliberately 
boarded  and  burned  by  the  Rhode  Islanders.  The  Bur- 


SEAL    OF    DUNMORE 


VOL.    IV. — 2 


EARL   OF   DUNMORE 


THE   APPROACH   OF   REVOLUTION 

gesses  had  but  just  assembled  in  the  autumn  when  the 
ominous  news  came  that  a  royal  commission  had  been 
sent  over  to  look  sharply  into  the  matter,  and  see  to 
the  arrest  and  deportation  of  all  chiefly  concerned. 
Dabney  Carr,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  and 
Thomas  Jefferson,  young  men  all,  and  radicals,  mem 
bers  of  the  House,  privately  associated  themselves  for 
the  concert  of  measures  to  be  taken  in  the  common 
cause  of  the  colonies.  Upon  their  initiative  the  Bur 
gesses  resolved,  when  the  news  from  Rhode  Island  came, 
to  appoint  at  once  a  permanent  committee  of  corre 
spondence;  instruct  it  to  inquire  very  particularly  into 
the  facts  about  this  royal  commission;  and  ask  the 
other  colonies  to  set  up  similar  committees,  for  the  ex 
change  of  information  concerning  public  affairs  and 
the  maintenance  of  a  common  understanding  and 
concert  in  action.  By  the  end  of  the  year  Massachu 
setts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  Hampshire,  and 
South  Carolina  had  adopted  the  suggestion  and  set 
their  committees  to  work. 

Massachusetts,  of  course.  This  was  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams's  new  machinery  of  agitation  upon  a  larger 
scale.  Adams  himself  had  long  cherished  the  wish 
that  there  might  be  such  a  connection  established  be 
tween  the  colonies.  In  the  autumn  of  1770  he  had  in 
duced  the  Massachusetts  assembly  to  appoint  a  com 
mittee  of  correspondence,  to  communicate  with  Mr. 
Arthur  Lee,  of  Virginia,  the  colony's  agent  in  London, 
and  with  the  Speakers  of  the  several  colonial  assem 
blies;  and  though  the  committee  had  accomplished 
little  or  nothing,  he  had  not  been  discouraged,  but  had 
written  the  next  year  to  Mr.  Lee  expressing  the  wish 
that  "societies"  of  "the  most  respectable  inhabitants" 

ii 


THE  ATTACK  ON  THE   "GASPEE1 


might  be  formed  in  the  colonies  to  maintain  a  corre 
spondence  with  friends  in  England  in  the  interest  of 
colonial  privilege.  "This  is  a  sudden  thought/'  he 
said,  "and  drops  undigested  from  my  pen";  but  it 
must  have  seemed  a  natural  enough  thought  to  Mr. 
Lee,  whose  own  vast  correspondence, — with  America, 
with  Englishmen  at  home,  with  acquaintances  on  the 
continent,  —  had  itself,  unaided,  made  many  a  friend 
for  the  colonies  over  sea  at  the  same  time  that  it  kept 
the  leading  men  of  the  colonies  informed  of  the  opinions 
and  the  dangers  breeding  in  England.  But  Mr.  Adams's 
town  committees  came  first.  It  was  left  for  the  little 
group  of  self-constituted  leaders  in  the  Virginian  as 
sembly,  of  whom  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Mr.  Arthur  Lee's 
elder  brother,  was  one,  to  take  the  step  which  actual 
ly  drew  the  colonies  into  active  cooperation  when  the 
time  was  ripe.  It  was,  in  part,  through  the  systematic 
correspondence  set  afoot  by  the  Virginian  burgesses 
that  something  like  a  common  understanding  had  been 
arrived  at  as  to  what  should  be  done  when  the  tea  came 
in;  and  the  lawless  defiance  of  the  colonists  in  that 
matter  brought  the  ministers  in  England  to  such  a 
temper  that  there  were  presently  new  and  very  exciting 
subjects  of  correspondence  between  the  committees,  and 
affairs  ran  fast  towards  a  crisis. 

Teas  to  the  value  of  no  less  than  eighteen  thousand 
pounds  sterling  had  been  thrown  into  the  harbor  at 
Boston  on  that  memorable  night  of  the  i6th  of  De 
cember,  1773,  when  "Captain  Mackintosh,"  the  redoubt 
able  leader  of  the  South  End  toughs  of  the  lively  little 
town,  was  permitted  for  the  nonce  to  lead  his  betters; 
but  what  aroused  the  ministers  and  put  Parliament 
in  a  heat  was  not  so  much  the  loss  incurred  by  the  East 

' 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

India  Company  or  the  outcry  of  the  merchants  involved 
as  the  startling  significance  of  the  act,  and  the  im- 


LORD   NORTH 


pleasant  evidence  which  every  day  came  to  hand  that 
all  the  colonies  alike  were  ready  to  resist.  After  the 
tea  had  been  sent  away,  or  stored  safe  against  sale  or 


THE  APPROACH   OF   REVOLUTION 

present  use,  or  thrown  into  the  harbor,  at  Philadelphia, 
Charleston,  New  York,  and  Boston,  as  the  leaders  of 
the  mobs  or  the  meetings  at  each  place  preferred,  there 
was  an  instant  spread  of  Virginia's  method  of  union. 
Six  more  colonies  hastened  to  appoint  committees  of 
correspondence,  and  put  themselves  in  direct  commu 
nication  with  the  men  at  Boston  and  at  Williamsburg 
who  were  forming  opinion  and  planning  modes  of  re 
dress.  Only  Pennsylvania  held  off.  The  tea  had  been 
shut  out  at  Philadelphia,  as  elsewhere,  but  the  leaders 
of  the  colony  were  not  ready  yet  to  follow  so  fast  in  the 
paths  of  agitation  and  resistance.  Members  of  Parlia 
ment  hardly  noticed  the  exception.  It  was  Boston 
they  thought  of  and  chiefly  condemned  as  a  hot  -  bed 
of  lawlessness.  Not  every  one,  it  is  true,  was  ready 
to  speak  quite  so  plainly  or  so  intemperately  as  Mr. 
Venn.  "The  town  of  Boston  ought  to  be  knocked 
about  their  ears  and  destroyed,"  he  said.  "You  will 
never  meet  with  proper  obedience  to  the  laws  of  this 
country  until  you  have  destroyed  that  nest  of  locusts." 
But,  though  few  were  so  outspoken,  no  doubt  many 
found  such  a  view  very  much  to  their  taste,  excellent 
ly  suited  to  their  temper. 

At  any  rate,  the  ministers  went  a  certain  way  towards 
acting  upon  it.  In  March,  1774,  after  communicating 
to  the  House  the  despatches  from  America,  the  leaders 
of  the  government,  now  under  Lord  North,  proposed 
and  carried  very  drastic  measures.  By  one  bill  they 
closed  the  port  of  Boston,  transferring  its  trade  after 
the  first  of  June  to  the  older  port  of  Salem.  Since  the 
headstrong  town  would  not  have  the  tea,  it  should  have 
no  trade  at  all.  By  another  bill  they  suspended  the 
charter  of  the  colony.  By  a  third  they  made  provision 


THE 

HISTORY 

OF    THE 

COLONY 

or 

MASSACHUSETS-BAY, 

PROM      THE 
FIRST    SETTLEMENT    THEREOF 

IN    1628. 

UNTIL  ITS  INCORPORATION 
WITH  THE 

Colony  of  PL  I  MOUTH,  Province  of  MAIN,  &c, 

BY   THE 

darter  of  Ring  WILLIAM  and  Queen  MARY* 
IN   1691. 

Hlftoria,  non  oftentatlcni,  fed  fidei,  veritatique  compomtur. 
*     Plin.  Epift.  L.  7.  E.  33. 


By  MR,  HUTCHINSON, 

Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  MASSACHVSETS  Province. 


BOSTON,    NEW-ENGLAND: 
by  THOMAS  &  JOHM  FLEET,  at  the  Heart 
in  ComhiU,  MDCCLZIT. 

TITLE-PAGE  OF  HUTCHINSON'S   HISTORY 


THE  APPROACH   OF   REVOLUTION 

for  the  quartering  of  troops  within  the  province;  and 
by  a  fourth  they  legalized  the  transfer  to  England  of 
trials  growing  out  of  attempts  to  quell  riots  in  the 
colony.  News  lingered  on  the  seas  in  those  days, 
waiting  for  the  wind,  and  the  critical  news  of  what 
had  been  done  in  Parliament  moved  no  faster  than  the 
rest.  It  was  the  2d  of  June  before  the  text  of  the  new 
statutes  was  known  in  Boston.  That  same  month, 
almost  upon  that  very  day,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  the 
constant-minded  governor  whom  Samuel  Adams  had 
tricked,  hated,  and  beaten  in  the  game  of  politics,  left 
his  perplexing  post  and  took  ship  for  England,  never 
to  return.  Born  and  bred  in  Massachusetts,  of  the 
stock  of  the  colony  itself,  he  had  nevertheless  stood 
steadfastly  to  his  duty  as  an  officer  of  the  crown,  deem 
ing  Massachusetts  best  served  by  the  law.  He  had 
suffered  more  than  most  men  would  have  endured,  but 
his  sufferings  had  not  blinded  him  with  passion.  He 
knew  as  well  as  any  man  the  real  state  of  affairs  in 
the  colony, — though  he  looked  at  them  as  governor, 
not  as  the  people's  advocate, — and  now  went  to  England 
to  make  them  clear  to  the  ministers.  "The  prevalence 
of  a  spirit  of  opposition  to  government  in  the  planta 
tion/'  he  had  already  written  them,  "is  the  natural 
consequence  of  the  great  growth  of  colonies  so  remote 
from  the  parent  state,  and  not  the  effect  of  oppression 
in  the  King  or  his  servants,  as  the  promoters  of  this 
spirit  would  have  the  world  to  believe."  It  would  be 
of  good  omen  for  the  settlement  of  difficulties  if  he  could 
make  the  ministers  see  that  the  spirit  which  so  angered 
them  was  natural,  and  not  born  of  mere  rebellion. 

Mr.   Hutchinson  left  General  Gage  governor  in  his 
stead,  —  at   once   governor   and  military  commander. 


GENERAL   GAGE 


THE  APPROACH  OF  REVOLUTION 


Gage  was  to  face  a  season  of  infinite  trouble,  and,  as 
men  soon  learned,  did  not  know  how  to  face  it  either 
with  patience  or  with  tact  and  judgment.  The  news 
of  Boston's  punish 
ment  and  of  the 
suspension  of  the 
Massachusetts  char 
ter,  of  the  arrange 
ments  for  troops, 
and  of  the  legal  es 
tablishment  of  meth 
ods  of  trial  against 
which  all  had  pro 
tested, — and,  in  the 
case  of  the  Gaspee 
affair, .  successfully 
protested, — had  an 
instant  and  most  dis 
turbing  effect  upon 
the  other  colonies, 
as  well  as  upon 
those  who  were  most 
directly  affected. 
The  ministers  could 
not  isolate  Massa 
chusetts.  They  were 
dealing  with  men 
more  statesmanlike 
than  themselves, 
who  did  not  need  to 

see  their  own  liberties  directly  struck  at  to  recognize  dan 
ger,  though  it  was  not  yet  their  danger.  They  had  pro 
tested  in  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act,  which  affected 

19 


STOVE  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  THE  BURGESSES, 
VIRGINIA 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

them  all;  this  time  they  protested  even  more  emphati 
cally  against  measures  aimed  at  Massachusetts  alone. 
What  was  more  significant,  they  had  now  means  at 
hand  for  taking  action  in  common. 

Virginia,  no  doubt,  seemed  to  the  ministers  in  Eng 
land  far  enough  away  from  Massachusetts,  but  her  Bur 
gesses  acted  upon  the  first  news  of  what  Parliament 
was  doing, — a  month  before  the  text  of  the  obnoxious 
acts  had  reached  Boston.  In  May,  1774,  they  ordered 
that  June  1st,  the  day  the  Boston  Port  bill  was  to  go 
into  effect,  be  set  apart  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer, 
— prayer  that  civil  war  might  be  averted  and  that  the 
people  of  America  might  be  united  in  a  common  cause. 
Dunmore  promptly  dissolved  them  for  their  pains; 
but  they  quietly  assembled  again  in  the  long  room 
of  the  Raleigh  Tavern;  issued  a  call  thence  to  the 
other  colonies1  for  a  general  Congress;  and  directed 
that  a  convention,  freely  chosen  by  the  voters  of  the 
colony  as  they  themselves  had  been,  should  assemble 
there,  in  that  same  room  of  the  Raleigh,  on  the  first 
day  of  August  following,  to  take  final  measures  with 
regard  to  Virginia's  part  in  the  common  action  hoped 
for  in  the  autumn.  The  next  evening  they  gave  a 
ball  in  honor  of  Lady  Dunmore  and  her  daughters, 
in  all  good  temper,  as  they  had  previously  arranged 
to  do, — as  if  nothing  had  happened,  and  as  if  to  show 
how  little  what  they  had  done  was  with  them  a  matter 
of  personal  feeling  or  private  intrigue,  how  much  a 
matter  of  dispassionate  duty.  They  had  not  acted 
singularly  or  alone.  Rhode  Island,  New  York,  and 
Massachusetts  herself  had  also  asked  for  a  general 
"Congress  of  Committees."  The  Massachusetts  as 
sembly  had  locked  its  doors  against  the  governor's 

i  See  page  222.  2O 


JOHN  ADAMS 


THE  APPROACH  OF  REVOLUTION 

messenger,  sent  to  dissolve  it,  until  it  had  completed 
its  choice  of  a  committee  "to  meet  the  committees  ap 
pointed  by  the  several  colonies  to  consult  together  upon 
the  present  state  of  the  colonies."  It  was  chiefly  be 
cause  Massachusetts  called  that  the  other  colonies 
responded,  but  the  movement  seemed  general,  almost 
spontaneous.  Virginia  and  Massachusetts  sent  their 
real  leaders,  as  the  other  colonies  did;  and  September 
saw  a  notable  gathering  at  Philadelphia, — a  gathering 
from  which  conservatives  as  well  as  radicals  hoped 
to  see  come  forth  some  counsel  of  wisdom  and  accom 
modation. 

Every  colon}7  but  Georgia  sent  delegates  to  the  Con 
gress.1  Not  all  who  attended  had  been  regularly  elected 
by  the  colonial  assemblies.  The  Virginian  delegates 
had  been  elected  by  Virginia's  August  convention,  a 
body  unknown  to  the  law ;  in  some  of  the  colonies  there 
had  been  no  timely  sessions  of  the  assemblies  at  which 
a  choice  could  be  made,  and  representatives  had  ac 
cordingly  been  appointed  by  their  committees  of  cor 
respondence,  or  elected  directly  by  the  voters  at  the 
town  and  county  voting  places.  But  no  one  doubted 
any  group  of  delegates  real  representatives, — at  any 
rate,  of  the  predominant  political  party  in  their  colony. 
In  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  the  conservatives  had 
had  the  upper  hand,  and  had  chosen  men  who  were 
expected  to  speak  for  measures  of  accommodation  and 
for  obedience  to  law.  In  the  other  colonies,  if  only 
for  the  nonce,  the  more  radical  party  had  prevailed, 
and  had  sent  representatives  who  were  counted  on  to 
speak  unequivocally  for  the  liberties  of  the  colonies, 
even  at  the  hazard  of  uttering  words  and  urging  action 
which  might  seem  revolutionary  and  defiant. 

i  See  page  211.  21 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

It  was  noteworthy  and  significant  how  careful  a 
selection  had  been  made  of  delegates.  No  doubt  the 
most  notable  group  was  the  group  of  Virginians: 
Colonel  Washington;  that  "masterly  man/'  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  as  Mr.  John  Adams  called  him,  as  effective 
in  Philadelphia  as  he  had  been  in  the  House  of  Bur 
gesses;  Patrick  Henry,  whose  speech  was  so  singularly 
compounded  of  thought  and  fire;  Edmund  Pendleton, 
who  had  read  nothing  but  law  books  and  knew  nothing 
but  business,  and  yet  showed  such  winning  grace  and 
convincing  frankness  withal  in  debate;  Colonel  Har 
rison,  brusque  country  gentleman,  without  art  or  sub 
terfuge,  downright  and  emphatic;  Mr.  Bland,  alert 
and  formidable  at  sixty-four,  with  the  steady  insight 
of  the  lifelong  student;  and  Mr.  Peyton  Randolph, 
their  official  leader  and  spokesman,  whom  the  Congress 
chose  its  president,  a  man  full  of  address,  and  seeming 
to  carry  privilege  with  him  as  a  right  inherited. 
Samuel  Adams  and  John  Adams  had  come  from  Mas 
sachusetts,  with  Mr.  Gushing  and  Mr.  Paine.  South 
Carolina  had  sent  two  members  of  the  Stamp  Act  Con 
gress  of  1765,  Mr.  Christopher  Gadsden  and  Mr.  John 
Rutledge,  with  Mr.  Edward  Rutledge  also,  a  youth 
of  twenty-five,  and  plain  Mr.  Lynch,  clad  in  homespun, 
as  direct  and  sensible  and  above  ceremony  as  Colonel 
Harrison.  Connecticut's  chief  spokesman  was  Roger 
Sherman,  rough  as  a  peasant  without,  but  in  counsel 
very  like  a  statesman,  and  in  all  things  a  hard-headed 
man  of  affairs.  New  York  was  represented  by  Mr. 
John  Jay,  not  yet  thirty,  but  of  the  quick  parts  of  the 
scholar  and  the  principles  of  a  man  of  honor.  Joseph 
Galloway,  the  well-poised  Speaker  and  leader  of  her 
House  of  Assembly,  John  Dickinson,  the  thought- 

22 


THE   APPROACH   OF   REVOLUTION 

ful  author  of  the  famous  "Farmer's  Letters"  of  1768, 
a  quiet  master  of  statement,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Mifflin, 
the  well-to-do  merchant,  represented  Pennsylvania. 


ROGER    SHERMAN 


It  was,  take  it  all  in  all,  an  assembly  of  picked  men, 
fit  for  critical  business. 

Not  that  there  was  any  talk  of  actual  revolution  in 
the  air.  The  seven  weeks'  conference  of  the  Congress 
disclosed  a  nice  balance  of  parties,  its  members  act- 


VOL.    IV. 3 


2.3 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

ing,  for  the  most  part,  with  admirable  candor  and  in 
dividual  independence.  A  good  deal  was  said  and 
conjectured  about  the  "brace  of  Adamses"  who  led 
the  Massachusetts  delegation,  —  Samuel  Adams,  now 
past  fifty-two,  and  settled  long  ago,  with  subtle  art, 
to  his  life-long  business,  and  pleasure,  of  popular  leader 
ship,  which  no  man  understood  better ;  and  John  Adams, 
his  cousin,  a  younger  man  by  thirteen  years,  at  once 
less  simple  and  easier  to  read,  vain  and  transparent, 
— transparently  honest,  irregularly  gifted.  It  was 
said  they  were  for  independence,  and  meant  to  take 
the  leadership  of  the  Congress  into  their  own  hands. 
But  it  turned  out  differently.  If  they  were  for  inde 
pendence,  they  shrewdly  cloaked  their  purpose;  if  they 
were  ambitious  to  lead,  they  were  prudent  enough  to 
forego  their  wish  and  to  yield  leadership,  at  any  rate 
on  the  floor  of  the  Congress,  to  the  interesting  men  who 
represented  Virginia,  and  who  seemed  of  their  own 
spirit  in  the  affair. 

There  was  a  marked  difference  between  what  the 
Congress  said  aloud,  for  the  hearing  of  the  world,  and 
what  it  did  in  order  quietly  to  make  its  purpose  of  de 
feating  the  designs  of  the  ministers  effective.  At  the 
outset  of  its  sessions  it  came  near  to  yielding  itself  to 
the  initiative  and  leadership  of  its  more  conservative 
members,  headed  by  Joseph  Galloway,  the  trusted 
leader  of  the  Pennsylvanians,  a  stout  loyalist,  but  for 
all  that  a  sincere  patriot  and  thorough-going  advocate 
of  the  legal  rights  of  the  colonies.  He  proposed  a 
memorial  to  the  crown  asking  for  a  confederate  govern 
ment  for  the  colonies,  under  a  legislature  of  their  own 
choosing,  very  like  the  government  Mr.  Franklin  had 
made  a  plan  for  twenty  years  ago  in  the  congress  at 

24 


JOSFPH    GALLOWAY 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

Albany;  and  his  suggestion  failed  of  acceptance  by 
only  a  very  narrow  margin  when  put  to  the  vote.  Even 
Edward  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  who  spoke  more 
hotly  than  most  men  for  the  liberties  of  the  colonies, 
declared  it  an  "almost  perfect  plan" ;  and  the  Congress, 
rejecting  it,  substituted  no  other.  It  turned,  rather. 


JOHN    DICKINSON 

to  the  writing  of  state  papers,  and  a  closer  organiza 
tion  of  the  colonies  for  concert  of  action.  Its  committees 
drew  up  an  address  to  the  King,  memorials  to  the  peo 
ple  of  Great  Britain  and  to  the  people  of  British  North 
America.1  their  fellow-subjects,  and  a  solemn  declara 
tion  of  rights,  so  earnest,  so  moderate  in  tone,  reasoned 
and  urged  with  so  evident  and  so  admirable  a  quiet 
passion  of  conviction,  as  to  win  the  deep  and  outspoken 

1  See  pages  119.  US  Vol.  V.  26 


THE  APPROACH   OF   REVOLUTION 

admiration  of  their  friends  in  Parliament  and  stir  the 
pulses  of  liberal-minded  men  everywhere  on  both  sides 
of  the  sea. 

So  much  was  for  the  world.  For  themselves,  they 
ordered  a  closer  and  more  effective  association  through 
out  the  colonies  to  carry  out  the  policy  of  a  rigorous 
non-importation  and  non-consumption  of  certain  classes 
of  British  goods  as  a  measure  of  trade  against  the 
English  government's  policy  of  colonial  taxation.1  It 
recommended,  in  terms  which  rang  very  imperative, 
that  in  each  colony  a  committee  should  be  formed  in 
every  town  or  county,  according  to  the  colony's  local 
administrative  organization,  which  should  be  charged 
with  seeing  to  it  that  every  one  within  its  area  of  over 
sight  actually  kept,  and  did  not  evade,  the  non-impor 
tation  agreement;  that  these  committees  should  act 
under  the  direction  of  the  central  committee  of  cor 
respondence  in  each  colony;  and  that  the  several 
colonial  committees  of  correspondence  should  in  their 
turn  report  to  and  put  into  effect  the  suggestions  of 
the  general  Congress  of  Committees  at  Philadelphia. 
For  the  Congress,  upon  breaking  up  at  the  conclusion 
of  its  business  in  October,  resolved  to  meet  again  in 
May  of  the  next  year,  should  the  government  in  Eng 
land  not  before  that  time  accede  to  its  prayers  for  a 
radical  change  of  policy.  Its  machinery  of  surveil 
lance  was  meanwhile  complete.  No  man  could  escape 
the  eyes  of  the  local  committees.  Disregard  of  the 
non-importation  policy  meant  that  his  name  would 
be  published,  and  that  he  would  be  diligently  talked 
about  as  one  who  was  no  patriot.  The  Congress  or 
dered  that  any  colony  which  declined  to  enter  into  the 
new  association  should  be  regarded  as  hostile  to  "the 

4>  See  page  160  Vol.  V.  2*7 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

liberties  of  this  country."  Samuel  Adams  himself 
had  not  had  a  more  complete  system  of  surveillance 
or  of  inquisitorial  pressure  upon  individual  conduct 


PEYTON    RANDOLPH 


and  opinion  at  hand  in  his  township  committees  of 
correspondence.  In  the  colonies  where  sentiment  ran 
warm  no  man  could  escape  the  subtle  coercion. 

Such  action  was  the  more  worthy  of  remark  because 
taken  verv  quietly,  and  as  if  the  Congress  had  of  course 

28 


THE  APPROACH  OF  REVOLUTION 

the  right  to  lead,  to  speak  for  the  majority  and  com 
mand  the  minority  in  the  colonies,  united  and  acting 
like  a  single  body  politic.  There  was  no  haste,  no 
unusual  excitement,  no  fearful  looking  for  trouble  in 
the  proceedings  of  this  new  and  quite  unexampled  as 
sembly.  On  the  contrary,  its  members  had  minds 
sufficiently  at  ease  to  enjoy  throughout  all  their  busi 
ness  the  entertainments  and  the  attractive  social  ways 
of  the  busy,  well-appointed,  cheerful,  gracious  town, 
the  chief  city  of  the  colonies,  in  which  there  was  so 
much  to  interest  and  engage.  Dinings  were  as  fre 
quent  almost  as  debates,  calls  as  committee  meetings. 
Evening  after  evening  was  beguiled  with  wine  and 
tobacco  and  easy  wit  and  chat.  The  delegates  learned 
to  know  and  understand  each  other  as  men  do  who  are 
upon  terms  of  intimacy ;  made  happy  and  lasting  friend 
ships  among  the  people  of  the  hospitable  place;  drank 
in  impressions  which  broadened  and  bettered  their 
thinking,  almost  as  if  they  had  actually  seen  the  sev 
eral  colonies  with  whose  representatives  they  were  deal 
ing  from  day  to  day;  and  went  home  with  a  cleared 
and  sobered  and  withal  hopeful  vision  of  affairs. 

It  was  well  to  have  their  views  so  steadied.  Events 
moved  fast,  and  with  sinister  portent.  Massachusetts 
could  not  be  still,  and  quickly  forced  affairs  to  an  issue 
of  actual  revolution.  Before  the  Congress  met  again 
her  leaders  had  irrevocably  committed  themselves  to 
an  open  breach  with  the  government;  the  people  of  the 
province  had  shown  themselves  ready  to  support  them 
with  extraordinary  boldness;  and  all  who  meant  to 
stand  with  the  distressed  and  stubborn  little  common 
wealth  found  themselves  likewise  inevitably  committed 

to   extreme   measures.     The   Massachusetts   men   not 

29 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

only  deeply  resented  the  suspension  of  their  charter, 
they  denied  the  legal  right  of  Parliament  to  suspend 
it.  On  the  Qth  of  September,  1774,  four  days  after 
the  assembling  of  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  dele 
gates  from  Boston  and  the  other  towns  in  Suffolk 
County  in  Massachusetts  had  met  in  convention  and 
flatly  declared  that  the  acts  complained  of,  being  un 
constitutional,  ought  not  to  be  obeyed;  that  the  new 
judges  appointed  under  the  act  of  suspension  ought 
not  to  be  regarded  or  suffered  to  act;  that  the  collectors 
of  taxes  ought  to  be  advised  to  retain  the  moneys  col 
lected,  rather  than  turn  them  into  General  Gage's  treas 
ury  ;  and  that,  in  view  of  the  extraordinary  crisis  which 
seemed  at  hand,  the  people  ought  to  be  counselled  to 
prepare  for  war, — not,  indeed,  with  any  purpose  of 
provoking  hostilities,  but  in  order,  if  necessary,  to  re 
sist  aggression.  They  declared  also  for  a  provincial 
congress,  to  take  the  place  of  the  legislative  council  of 
their  suspended  charter,  and  resolved  to  regard  the 
action  of  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia  as  law  for  the 
common  action  of  the  colonies.1 

It  gave  these  resolutions  very  grave  significance 
that  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia  unhesitatingly  de 
clared,  upon  their  receipt,  that  the  whole  continent 
ought  to  support  Massachusetts  in  her  resistance  to 
the  unconstitutional  changes  in  her  government,  and 
that  any  person  who  should  accept  office  within  the 
province  under  the  new  order  of  things  ought  to  be 
considered  a  public  enemy.  Moreover,  the  Suffolk 
towns  did  not  stand  alone.  Their  temper,  it  seemed, 
was  the  temper  of  the  whole  colony.  Other  towns 
took  action  of  the  same  kind;  and  before  the  Congress 
at  Philadelphia  had  adjourned,  Massachusetts  had 

i  See  pages  214,  222.  -2Q 


WASHINGTON   STOPPING   AT  AN   INN  ON   HIS   WAV  TO   CAMBRIDGE 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

actually  set  up  a  virtually  independent  provincial 
congress.  General  Gage  had  summoned  the  regular 
assembly  of  the  province  to  meet  at  Salem,  the  new 
capital  under  the  parliamentary  changes,  on  the  5th 
of  October,  but  had  withdrawn  the  summons  as  he 
saw  signs  of  disaffection  multiply  and  his  authority 
dwindle  to  a  mere  shadow  outside  his  military  lines 
at  Boston.  The  members  of  the  assembly  convened, 
nevertheless,  and,  finding  no  governor  to  meet  them, 
resolved  themselves  into  a  provincial  congress  and 
appointed  a  committee  of  safety  to  act  as  the  provi 
sional  executive  of  the  colony.  The  old  government 
was  virtually  dissolved,  a  revolutionary  government 
substituted. 

The  substitution  involved  every  hazard  of  license 
and  disorder.  A  people  schooled  and  habituated  to 
civil  order  and  to  the  daily  practice  of  self-government, 
as  the  people  of  Massachusetts  had  been,  could  not, 
indeed,  suffer  utter  demoralization  or  lose  wholly  and 
of  a  sudden  its  sobriety  and  conscience  in  matters  of 
public  business.  But  it  was  a  perilous  thing  that  there 
was  for  a  time  no  recognized  law  outside  of  the  fortifi 
cations  which  General  Gage  had  thrown  across  Boston 
Neck,  to  defend  the  town  against  possible  attack  from 
its  own  neighbors.  Town  meetings  and  irregular  com 
mittees  took  the  place  of  officers  of  government  in  every 
locality.  The  committees  were  often  self-constituted, 
the  meetings  too  often  disorderly  and  irregularly  sum 
moned.  Everything  fell  into  the  hands  of  those  who 
acted  first;  and  inasmuch  as  the  more  hot-headed  and 
violent  are  always  at  such  times  the  first  to  act,  many 
sober  men  who  would  fain  have  counselled  restraint 
and  prudence  and  the  maintenance  so  far  as  might  be 


THE  APPROACH   OF  REVOLUTION 


of  the  old  order,  were  silenced  or  overridden.  The 
gatherings  at  which  concerted  action  was  determined 
upon  were  too  often  like  mere  organized  mobs.  Men 
too  often  obtained  ascendency  for  the  time  being  who 
had  no  claim  upon  the  confidence  of  their  followers  but 
such  as  came  from  audacity  and  violence  of  passion; 
and  many  things  happened  under  their  leadership 
which  it  was  afterwards  pleasant  to  forget.  No  man 


The     LIBERTY    SONG.       In  Freedom  .vfe're  born,  &c. 


•at .  ct-uati  aB.    A*d  raft  row  Md  bun*  «i  (*ir  Ll-tcf-tjr'«  oik.    Honrriiraom*  acti  OuOftf 


cUac,     Orflaia  wilhdi4>oaou/   A  •  •*  .ri.ca'irurae,      /a  »>«•*•»    •»«'•»     bora  •*»• 


^ 


.-.!«,      Oa-   ftr-fis        «T» 


Du worthy  roreratheTa-L*t'i|i>a  itera  a  cheer 
Hb  Climate!  unknown  Bid  coaraieoufly  Acer  ; 
r.hro*  Ocean,  tode/erii,fbrfrMdom  ihey  <ame, 
.nddyinjb<quctlri*dui  tbt^frecdomaodFaou. 


:ep  wruifhe 


III  din»tr(  dtfpu'd. 


It  Truto*.  m/t'tt  bora  eVr.  Cixai 

rarou  oTplit-enen  and  penGooerl  fan  will  ap- 
Like  locaOs  deforming  Ihe  cbarmi  Of"  tbe 

unl  va'nly  'will  rile.  Sho.erl  vainly  defc 
we  are  to  drudte  fit  what  otberl  Aiall  ff  end. 


nd  andirie  deep.  ^Trwcn  ioit  kond.  in  hand  brave  Amerkani  aft, 
V, '  fttt'itm "«><">•>«    t>r.  '»y  ««'il«l  we  Hand,  by  di.idinj  »e  mi , 

Tne  Tree  ixcir  own  htnik  nail  10  nb<rlymr|d.jU  fo  Riakito"!  »  «.»  atl  «.  »••«  lofuceeoV 


.Htltfritrnft  iir  m§'9ft  **'///Jw 

For  Heaven   appro***  of  «acb   Jtntroai  deed 
/«  pVredra  o«>«  korn.  e>'. 

All  ate*  fhiil  IpeaK  witb  auruie  and  appiaafe. 
Of  ibe  to«rl»e  we'll ihew  i«  fipport  of  o.i  law* 
To  die  we  ran  bear —bat  10  ferve  we  difda.n. 
btme  11  to  FreeooM  more  dnadf.l  tha>pai 

Vhli  bunper  I  crown  for  tar  Smrrrrpi'i  >eaic  > 

I  Die*.  b..i  l.il-  •  a>»l  if  i.  ..i  b.l  free 
/•   r,,,Jtm    •*,  •,    »•„:•    <,,.       _. 


THE   LIBERTY   SONG 


of  consequence  who  would  not  openly  and  actively  put 
himself  upon  the  popular  side  was  treated  with  so  much 
as  toleration.  General  Gage  presently  found  Boston 
and  all  the  narrow  area  within  his  lines  filling  up, 
accordingly,  with  a  great  body  of  refugees  from  the 
neighboring  towns  and  country-sides. 

It  gave  those  who  led  the  agitation  the  greater  con 
fidence  and  the  greater  influence  that  the  ministers  of 
the  churches  were  for  the  most  part  on  their  side.  The 
control  of  Parliament  had  come,  in  the  eyes  of  the  New 

33 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

England  clergy,  to  mean  the  control  also  of  bishops 
and  the  supremacy  of  the  Establishment.  Now,  as  al 
ways  before,  since  the  very  foundation  of  the  colony, 
the  independence  of  their  little  commonwealths  seemed 
but  another  side  of  the  independence  of  their  churches ; 
and  none  watched  the  course  of  government  over  sea 
more  jealously  than  the  Puritan  pastors. 

Not  only  those  who  sided  with  the  English  power 
because  of  fear  or  interest, — place-holders,  sycophants, 
merchants  who  hoped  to  get  their  trade  back  through 
favor,  weak  men  who  knew  not  which  side  to  take  and 
thought  the  side  of  government  in  the  long  run  the 
safer,  —  but  many  a  man  of  dignity  and  substance 
also,  and  many  a  man  of  scrupulous  principle  who 
revered  the  ancient  English  power  to  which  he  had 
always  been  obedient  with  sincere  and  loyal  affection, 
left  his  home  and  sought  the  protection  of  Gage's  troops. 
The  vigilance  of  the  local  committees  effectually  purged 
the  population  outside  Boston,  as  the  weeks  went  by, 
of  those  who  were  not  ready  to  countenance  a  revolu 
tion.  There  was,  besides,  something  very  like  military 
rule  outside  Boston  as  well  as  within  it.  The  provincial 
congress  met,  while  necessary,  from  month  to  month, 
upon  its  own  adjournment,  and,  prominent  among 
other  matters  of  business,  diligently  devoted  itself  to 
the  enrolment  and  organization  of  a  numerous  and 
efficient  militia.  Local  as  well  as  general  command 
ers  were  chosen ;  there  was  constant  drilling  on  village 
greens;  fire-arms  and  ammunition  were  not  difficult 
to  get ;  and  an  active  militia  constituted  a  very  effective 
auxiliary  in  the  consolidation  of  local  opinion  concern 
ing  colonial  rights  and  the  proper  means  of  vindicating 
them. 

34 


THE  APPROACH   OF  REVOLUTION 

It  is  the  familiar  story  of  revolution:  the  active  and 
efficient  concert  of  a  comparatively  small  number  con 
trolling  the  action  of  whole  communities  at  a  moment 
of  doubt  and  crisis.  There  was  not  much  difference 
of  opinion  among  thoughtful  men  in  the  colonies  with 
regard  to  the  policy  which  the  ministers  in  England 
had  recently  pursued  respecting  America.  It  was 
agreed  on  all  hands  that  it  was  unprecedented,  unwise, 
and  in  plain  derogation  of  what  the  colonists  had  time 
out  of  mind  been  permitted  to  regard  as  their  unques 
tioned  privileges  in  matters  of  local  self-government. 
Some  men  engaged  in  trade  at  the  colonial  ports  had, 
it  is  true,  found  the  new  policy  of  taxation  and  enforced 
restrictions  very  much  to  their  own  interest.  The 
Sugar  Act  of  1733,  which  cut  at  the  heart  of  the  New 
England  trade  with  the  French  West  Indies,  and  which 
Grenville  and  Townshend  had,  in  these  last  disturbing 
years,  tried  to  enforce,  had,  it  was  said,  been  passed 
in  the  first  instance  at  the  suggestion  of  a  Boston  mer 
chant  who  was  interested  in  sugar  growing  in  the  British 
islands  whence  the  act  virtually  bade  the  colonial  im 
porters  take  all  their  sugar,  molasses,  and  rum;  and 
no  doubt  there  were  many  in  all  the  American  ports 
who  would  have  profited  handsomely  by  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  law.  But,  however  numerous  these  may 
have  been,  they  were  at  most  but  a  small  minority. 
For  a  vast  majority  of  the  merchants  the  enforcement 
of  the  acts  meant  financial  ruin.  Merchants  as  well 
as  farmers,  too,  were  hotly  against  taxes  put  upon 
them  in  their  own  ports  by  an  act  of  Parliament. 
They  were  infinitely  jealous  of  any  invasion  of  their 
accustomed  rights  of  self-government  under  their  re 
vered  and  ancient  charter.  Governor  Hutchinson  him- 

35 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

self,  though  he  deemed  the  commands  of  Parliament 
law,  and  thought  it  his  own  bounden  duty  as  an  officer 
of  the  crown  to  execute  them,  declared  in  the  frankest 
fashion  to  the  ministers  themselves  that  their  policy 
was  unjust  and  mistaken. 

But,  while  men's  sentiments  concurred  in  a  sense  of 
wrong,  their  judgments  parted  compam^  at  the  choice 
of  what  should  be  done.  Men  of  a  conservative  and 
sober  way  of  thinking ;  men  of  large  fortune  or  business, 
who  knew  what  they  had  at  stake  should  disorders 
arise  or  law  be  set  aside;  men  who  believed  that  there 
were  pacific  ways  of  bringing  the  government  to  an 
other  temper  and  method  in  dealing  with  the  colonies, 
and  who  passionately  preferred  the  ways  of  peace  to 
ways  of  violence  and  threatened  revolution,  arrayed 
themselves  instinctively  and  at  once  against  every 
plan  that  meant  lawlessness  and  rebellion.  They 
mustered  very  strong  indeed,  both  in  numbers  and  in 
influence.  They  bore,  many  of  them,  the  oldest  and 
most  honored  names  of  the  colony  in  Massachusetts, 
where  the  storm  first  broke,  and  were  men  of  substance 
and  training  and  schooled  integrity  of  life,  besides. 
Their  counsels  of  prudence  were  ignored,  nevertheless, 
— as  was  inevitable.  Opinion  formed  itself  with  quick 
and  heated  impulse  in  the  brief  space  of  those  first 
critical  months  of  irritation  and  excitement;  and  these 
men,  though  the  natural  leaders  of  the  colony,  were 
despised,  rejected,  proscribed,  as  men  craven  and  lack 
ing  the  essential  spirit  either  of  liberty  or  of  patriotism. 

It  was,  no  doubt,  a  time  when  it  was  necessary  that 
something  should  be  done, — as  well  as  something  said. 
It  was  intolerable  to  the  spirit  of  most  of  the  people, 
when  once  they  were  roused,  to  sit  still  under  a  sus- 

36 


THE  APPROACH   OF  REVOLUTION 

pension  of  their  charter,  a  closing  of  their  chief  port, 
the  appointment  of  judges  and  governors  restrained 
by  none  of  the  accustomed  rules  of  public  authority 
among  them,  and  tamely  utter  written  protests  only, 
carrying  obedience  to  what  seemed  to  them  the  length 
of  sheer  servility.  It  happened  that  there  had  gone 
along  with  the  hateful  and  extraordinary  parliamen 
tary  measures  of  1774  an  act  extending  the  boundaries 
of  the  province  of  Quebec  to  the  Ohio  River  and  es 
tablishing  an  arbitrary  form  of  government  within 
the  extended  province.  It  was  a  measure  long  ago 
planned.  Its  passage  at  that  time  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  ministers'  quarrel  with  the  self-governing  col 
onies  to  the  southward.  But  it  was  instantly  inter 
preted  in  America  as  an  attempt  to  limit  the  westward 
expansion  of  the  more  unmanageable  colonies  which, 
like  Massachusetts,  arrogated  the  right  to  govern  them 
selves  ;  and  it  of  course  added  its  quota  of  exasperation 
to  the  irritations  of  the  moment.  It  seemed  worse  than 
idle  to  treat  ministers  who  sent  such  a  body  of  revolu 
tionary  statutes  over  sea  as  reasonable  constitutional 
rulers  who  could  be  brought  to  a  more  lawful  and  mod 
erate  course  by  pamphlets  and  despatches  and  public 
meetings,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  slow  machinery  of 
ordinary  agitation.  Of  course,  too,  Samuel  Adams 
and  those  who  acted  with  him  very  carefully  saw  to  it 
that  agitation  should  not  lose  its  zest  or  decline  to  the 
humdrum  levels  of  ordinary  excitement.  They  kept 
their  alarm  bells  pealing  night  and  day,  and  were 
vigilant  that  feeling  should  not  subside  or  fall  tame. 
And  they  worked  upon  genuine  matter.  They  knew 
the  temper  of  average  men  in  the  colony  much  better 
than  their  conservative  opponents  did,  and  touched 

1Z 

7777^ 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

it  with  a  much  truer  instinct  in  their  appeals.  Their 
utterances  went  to  the  quick  with  most  plain  men, — • 
and  they  spoke  to  a  community  of  plain  men.  They 
spoke  to  conviction  as  well  as  to  sentiment,  and  the 
minds  they  touched  were  thoroughly  awakened.  Their 
doctrine  of  liberty  was  the  ancient  tradition  of  the  colony. 
The  principles  they  urged  had  been  urged  again  and 
again  by  every  champion  of  the  chartered  liberties  of 
the  colonies,  and  seemed  native  to  the  very  air. 


SIGNATURE    OF  JOSEPH    HAWLEY 

If  not  constitutional  statesmen,  they  were  at  least 
the  veritable  spokesmen  of  all  men  of  action,  and  of 
the  real  rank  and  file  of  the  colonists  about  them, — 
as  Patrick  Henry  was  in  Virginia.  John  Adams  had 
read  to  Henry,  while  the  first  Congress  was  sitting  in 
Philadelphia,  Joseph  Hawley's  opinion  that  what  the 
ministers  had  done  made  it  necessary  to  fight.  "I 
am  of  that  man's  opinion,"  cried  the  high-spirited  Vir 
ginian.  That  was  what  men  said  everywhere,  unless 
imperatively  held  back  from  action  by  temperament, 
or  interest,  or  an  unusual,  indomitable  conviction  of 
law-abiding  duty,  upon  whatever  exigency  or  provoca 
tion.  It  is  not  certain  that  there  could  be  counted  in 
Massachusetts  so  much  as  a  majority  for  resistance 
in  those  first  days  of  the  struggle  for  right;  but  it  is 
certain  that  those  who  favored  extreme  measures  had 
the  more  effective  spirit  of  initiative  among  them, 
the  best  concert  of  action,  the  more  definite  purpose, 

38 


THE  APPROACH  OF  REVOLUTION 

the  surest  instinct  of  leadership,  and  stood  with  true 
interpretative  insight  for  the  latent  conviction  of  right 
which  underlay  and  supported  every  colonial  charter 
in  America. 

And  not  only  every  colonial  charter,  but  the  con 
stitution  of  England  itself.  The  question  now  raised, 
to  be  once  for  all  settled,  was,  in  reality,  the  question 
of  constitutional  as  against  personal  government; 
and  that  question  had  of  late  forced  itself  upon  men's 
thoughts  in  England  no  less  than  in  America.  It 
was  the  burden  of  every  quiet  as  well  as  of  every  im 
passioned  page  in  Burke's  Thoughts  on  the  Present 
Discontents,  published  in  1770.  The  Parliament  of 
1774  did  not  represent  England  any  more  than  it  rep 
resented  the  colonies  in  America,  either  in  purpose 
or  principle.  So  ill  distributed  was  the  suffrage  and 
the  right  of  representation  that  great  centres  of  popula 
tion  had  scarcely  a  spokesman  in  the  Commons,  while 
little  hamlets,  once  populous  but  now  deserted,  still 
returned  members  who  assumed  to  speak  for  the  coun 
ty.  So  many  voters  were  directly  under  the  influence 
of  members  of  the  House  of  Lords,  as  tenants  and  de 
pendants;  so  many  members  of  the  House  of  Lords 
were  willing  to  put  themselves  and  the  seats  which 
they  controlled  in  the  Commons  at  the  service  of  the 
King,  in  return  for  honors  and  favors  received  or  hoped 
for;  so  many  elections  to  the  Lower  House  were  cor 
ruptly  controlled  by  the  court, — so  full  was  Parliament, 
in  short,  of  placemen  and  of  men  who  counted  upon 
the  crown's  benefactions,  that  the  nation  seemed  ex 
cluded  from  its  own  councils,  and  the  King  acted  as 
its  master  without  serious  let  or  hinderance. 

The   Whig    party,    which    stood    for    constitutional 

VOL.  iv. — 4  30 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

privilege,  was  utterly  disorganized.  Some  Whigs  had 
followed  Chatham  to  the  end,  despite  his  uncertain 
temper,  his  failing  health,  his  perverse  treatment  of 
his  friends;  some  had  followed,  rather,  the  Marquis 
of  Rockingham,  whose  brief  tenure  of  power,  in  1766, 
had  been  but  long  enough  to  effect  the  repeal  of  the 
odious  Stamp  Act;  but  nothing  could  hold  the  diver 
gent  personal  elements  of  the  party  together,  and  there 
was  no  place  for  a  party  of  principle  and  independence 
in  an  unrepresentative  Parliament  packed  with  the 
"King's  friends."  Ministries  rose  or  fell  according 
to  the  King's  pleasure,  and  were  Whig  or  Tory  as  he 
directed,  without  change  of  majority  in  the  Commons. 
"  Not  only  did  he  direct  the  minister  "  whom  the  House 
nominally  obeyed  "  in  all  matters  of  foreign  and  domes 
tic  policy,  but  he  instructed  him  as  to  the  management 
of  debates  in  Parliament,  suggested  what  motions 
should  be  made  or  opposed,  and  how  measures  should 
be  carried/'  The  Houses  were  his  to  command;  and 
when  Chatham  was  gone,  no  man  could  withstand  him. 
Persons  not  of  the  ministry  at  all,  but  the  private  and 
irresponsible  advisers  of  the  King,  became  the  real 
rulers  of  the  country.  The  Duke  of  Grafton,  who  be 
came  the  nominal  head  of  the  government  in  1768, 
was  not  his  own  master  in  what  he  did  or  proposed; 
and  Lord  North,  who  succeeded  him  in  1770,  was  little 
more  than  the  King's  mouthpiece. 

Thoughtful  men  in  England  saw  what  all  this  meant, 
and  deemed  the  liberties  of  England  as  much  jeoparded 
as  the  liberties  of  America.  And  the  very  men  who 
saw  to  the  heart  of  the  ominous  situation  in  England 
were,  significantly  enough,  the  men  who  spoke  most 
fearlessly  and  passionately  in  Parliament  in  defence 

49 


of  America,  —  statesmen  like  Chatham  and  Burke, 
frank  soldiers  like  Colonel  Barre,  political  free  lances 
like  the  reckless  John  Wilkes,  and  all  the  growing 
compairy  of  agitators  in  London  and  elsewhere  whom 
the  government  busied  itself  to  crush.  It  was  the 
group  gathered  about  Wilkes  in  London  who  formed, 
under  Home  Tooke's  leadership,  the  famous  "Society 
for  supporting  the  Bill  of  Rights/'  with  which  Samuel 
Adams  proposed,  in  his  letter  to  Arthur  Lee  in  1771, 
that  similar  societies,  to  be  formed  in  the  several  col 
onies  in  America,  should  put  themselves  in  active 
cooperation  by  correspondence.  Those  who  attacked 
the  prerogative  in  England  were  as  roundly  denounced 
as  traitors  as  those  who  resisted  Parliament  in  America. 
Wilkes  was  expelled  from  the  House  of  Commons; 
the  choice  of  the  Westminster  electors  who  had  chosen 
him  was  arbitrarily  set  aside  and  annulled ;  those  who 
protested  with  too  much  hardihood  were  thrown  into 
prison  or  fined.  But  each  arbitrary  step  taken  seemed 
only  to  increase  the  rising  sense  of  uneasiness  in  the 
country.  The  London  mob  was  raised;  rioting  spread 
through  the  country,  till  there  seemed  to  be  chronic 
disorder;  writers  like  "  Junius"  sprang  up  to  tease  the 
government  with  stinging  letters  which  no  one  could 
successfully  answer,  because  no  one  could  match  their 
wit  or  point;  an  independent  press  came  almost  sud 
denly  into  existence;  and  because  there  was  no  opinion 
expressed  in  the  House  of  Commons  worthy  of  being 
called  the  opinion  of  the  nation,  public  opinion  formed 
and  asserted  itself  outside  the  Houses,  and  began  to 
clamor  uncomfortably  for  radical  constitutional  re 
forms.  Mr.  Wilkes  was  expelled  the  House  in  1769, 
just  as  the  trouble  in  America  was  thickening  towards 

41 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 


THE   HOUSE   OF   COMMONS 


storm;  and  long  before  that  trouble  was  over  it  had 
become  plain  to  every  man  of  enlightened  principle 
that  agitation  in  England  and  resistance  in  America 
had  one  and  the  same  object, — the  rectification  of  the 
whole  spirit  and  method  of  the  English  government. 
George  III.  had  too  small  a  mind  to  rule  an  empire, 

42 


THE  APPROACH  OF  REVOLUTION 

and  the  fifteen  years  of  his  personal  supremacy  in  af 
fairs  (1768-1783)  were  years  which  bred  a  revolution 
in  England  no  less  inevitably  than  in  America.  His 
stubborn  instinct  of  mastery  made  him  dub  the  col 
onists  "rebels"  upon  their  first  show  of  resistance; 
he  deemed  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  a  fatal  step  of 
weak  compliance,  which  had  only  "increased  the  pre 
tensions  of  the  Americans  to  absolute  independence/' 
Chatham  he  called  a  "trumpet  of  sedition"  because 
he  praised  the  colonists  for  their  spirited  assertion  of 
their  rights.  The  nature  of  the  man  was  not  sinister. 
Neither  he  nor  his  ministers  had  any  purpose  of  mak 
ing  "slaves"  of  the  colonists.  Their  measures  for 
the  regulation  of  the  colonial  trade  were  incontestably 
conceived  upon  a  model  long  ago  made  familiar  in 
practice,  and  followed  precedents  long  ago  accepted 
in  the  colonies.  Their  financial  measures  were  moder 
ate  and  sensible  enough  in  themselves,  and  were  con 
ceived  in  the  ordinary  temper  of  law-making.  What 
they  did  not  understand  or  allow  for  was  American 
opinion.  What  the  Americans,  on  their  part,  did  not 
understand  or  allow  for  was  the  spirit  in  which  Par 
liament  had  in  fact  acted.  They  did  not  dream  with 
how  little  comment  or  reckoning  upon  consequences, 
or  how  absolutely  without  any  conscious  theory  as  to 
power  or  authority,  such  statutes  as  those  which  had 
angered  them  had  been  passed;  how  members  of  the 
Commons  stared  at  Mr.  Burke's  passionate  protests 
and  high-pitched  arguments  of  constitutional  privilege; 
how  unaffectedly  astonished  they  were  at  the  rebellious 
outbreak  which  followed  in  the  colonies.  And,  because 
they  were  surprised  and  had  intended  no  tyranny, 
but  simply  the  proper  government  of  trade  and  the 

43 


.,-,. 


/ 


;*  i<*«. 

*     '  '  Jr 

rt.,   /;<-/:' /^  .V  /i4 
™?  -     xX;  c^^X^. 

*^  •  " 


,;  <      -V'X 


PAGE    FROM    THE    DIARY    OK   JOS. AH    QU1NCY 


THE   APPROACH   OF   REVOLUTION 

adequate  support  of  administration  throughout  the 
dominions  of  the  crown,  as  the  ministers  had  repre 
sented  these  things  to  them,  members  of  course  thought 
the  disturbances  at  Boston  a  tempest  in  a  teapot,  the 
reiterated  protests  of  the  colonial  assemblies  a  pretty 
piece  of  much  ado  about  nothing.  The  radical  trouble 
was  that  the  Parliament  really  represented  nobody 
but  the  King  and  his  "friends,"  and  was  both  ignorant 
and  unreflective  upon  the  larger  matters  it  dealt  with. 

It  was  the  more  certain  that  the  promises  of  accom 
modation  and  peaceful  constitutional  reform  which 
the  supporters  of  the  government  in  America  so  freely 
and  earnestly  made  would  be  falsified,  and  that  ex 
asperation  would  follow  exasperation.  The  loyal  par 
tisans  of  the  crown  in  the  colonies  understood  as  little 
as  did  the  radical  patriotic  party  the  real  attitude  and 
disposition  of  the  King  and  his  ministers.  The  men 
with  whom  they  were  dealing  over  sea  had  not  con 
ceived  and  could  not  conceive  the  American  point  of 
view  with  regard  to  the  matters  in  dispute.  They 
did  not  know  whereof  Mr.  Burke  spoke  when  he  told 
them  that  the  colonial  assemblies  had  been  suffered 
to  grow  into  a  virtual  independence  of  Parliament, 
and  had  become  in  fact,  whatever  lawyers  might  say, 
coordinated  with  it  in  every  matter  which  concerned 
the  internal  administration  of  the  colonies;  and  that 
it  was  now  too  late  to  ask  or  expect  the  colonists  to 
accept  any  other  view  of  the  law  than  that  which 
accorded  with  long  -  established  fact.1  Mr.  Burke  ad 
mitted  that  his  theory  was  not  a  theory  for  the  strict 
lawyer:  it  was  a  theory  for  statesmen,  for  whom  fact 
must  often  take  precedence  of  law.  But  the  men  he 
addressed  were  strict  legists  and  not  statesmen.  There 

1  See  page  241.  AC 


•s 


By    the     KING, 

A     PROCLAMATION, 

For  f'uppf effing  Rebellion  and  Sedition, 
GEORGE   R. 

gHEREAS  many  of  Our  Subjects  in  divers  Parts  of  Our  Colonies  and  Plantations 
in  North  Amtrica,  milled  by  dangerous  and  ill-dcfigning  Men,  and  forgetting 
the  Allegiance  which  they  owe  to  the  Power  that  has  protected  and  Curtained 
them,  after  various  difbrderly  Acts  committed  in  Difturhance  of  the  Pubhck 
Peace,  to  the  Obftruction  ot  lawful  Commerce,  and  to  the  Oppreflion  of  Our 
loyal  Subjects  carrying  on  the  lame,  have  'at  length  preeccded  to  an  open  and 
avowed  Rebellion,  by  arraying  thcmfelves  in  holhlc  Manner  to  withftjnd  the 
Execution  of  the  Law,  a.id  traitoro::(ly  prcparng,  .  ordering,  and  levying  War 
againft  Us-  And  whereas .  ther~  j«  Rcau>«Mf  snircAenu  cAat  luch  Rebellion  hath 
J«en  iiiocA  promote^'  a  ^.<f  encouraged  ly  the  iraitorous  Correfpondt.ncc,  CtfUnfels,  and  Comfort  of 
divers  wicked  and  ocipcrate  Pcrlons  within  fhis  Realm  :  To  the  End  therefore  that  none  6t  Our  Subjects 
may  neglect  or  violate  their  Duty  through  Ignorance  thereof,  or  through  any  Doubt  of  the  Protection 
which  tie  Law  will  aflbrd  to  their  Loyalty  and  Zeal;  We  have  thought  fit,  by  and  with  the  Advice  of 
)ur  Privy  Council,  to  ifliic  this  Our  Royal  Proclamation,  hereby  -.declaring  that  not  only  all  Our 
Officers  Civil  and  Military  arc  obliged  to  exert  their  utmoft  Endeavours  to  fupprefs  fuch  Rebellion,  and 
o  bring  the  Traitors  to  Juftice ;  but  that  all  Our  Subjects  of  this  Realm  and  the  Dominions  thereunto 
xlonging  are  bound  by  Law  to  be  aiding 'and  allillihg  in  the  Supprellion  ofr(uch  Rebellion,  and  to 
lifcloie  and  mate  known  all  traitorous  Conf,>iracics  and  Attempts  againft  Us,  Our  Crown  and  Dignity; 
Lnd  We  do  accordingly  llrictly  charge  and  command  all  Our  Officers  as  well  Civil  as  Military, 
nd  all  other  Our  obedient  and  loyal  Subjects,  to  ulc  their  utmoft  Endeavours  to  withftand  and 
iipprefi  fuch  R-ebellion,  and  to  difclofc  and  moke  known  all  Treaibns  and  traitorous  Confpi- 
acics  which  they  lhall  know  to  be  againft  Us,  Our  Crown  and  Dignity;  and  for  that  Purpofe, 
hat  they  tranfmit  to  One  of  Our  Principal  Secretaries  of  State,  or  other  proper  Officer,  due  'and 
Till  Information  of  all  Perfbns  who  (hall  be  found  carrying  on  Corrclpondcncc  with,  or  in  any 
fanner  or  Degree  aiding  or  abetting  the  Perfons  now  in  open  Arms  and  Rebellion  againft  Our 
iovcrnment  within  any  of  Our  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  North  America,  in  order  to  bring  to 
ondign  Punilli'ment  the  Authors,  Perpetrators,  and  Abettors  of  fuch  traitorous  Defigns. 

Given  »t  Our  Court  at  St.  James's,  the  Twenty-third  Day  of  Augujl,    One   thoufand 
ieven  hundred  and  feventy-five,  in  the  Fifteenth  Year  of  Our  Reign. 

God    fave  'the    King.    . 


LONDON: 


,  L     O     ft      D     O     N  : 

'rioted  by  Ctarla  Ejrt  and  William  Strata*,  Printers  to  the  King's  molt  Excellent  Majcftv.     i->7s. 


PROCLAMATION   OF   THE   KING   FOR   THE   SUPPRESSION  OF   THE   REBELLION 


THE  APPROACH  OF  REVOLUTION 

could  be  no  understanding  between  the  two  sides  of 
the  water;  and  the  loyalists  who  counselled  submis 
sion,  if  only  for  a  time,  to  the  authority  of  the  ministers, 
were  certain  to  be  rejected  among  their  own  people. 
The  spirit  of  American  affairs  was  with  the  patriots, 
and  would  be  with  them  more  and  more  as  the  quarrel 
thickened. 

It  thickened  fast  enough,  and  the  storm  broke  before 
men  were  aware  how  near  it  was.  While  winter  held 
(1774-1775),  affairs  everywhere  grew  dark  and  uneasy, 
not  only  in  Massachusetts,  where  Gage's  troops  waited 
at  Boston,  but  in  every  colony  from  Maine  to  the  Gulf. 
Before  the  end  of  1774  the  Earl  of  Dunmore  reported 
to  the  government,  from  Virginia,  that  every  county 
was  "arming  a  company  of  men  for  the  avowed  pur 
pose  of  protecting  their  committees/'  and  that  his  own 
power  of  control  was  gone.  "There  is  not  a  justice 
of  peace  in  Virginia/'  he  declared,  "that  acts  except 
as  a  committee-man  " ;  and  it  gave  him  the  graver  con 
cern  to  see  the  turn  affairs  were  taking  because  "men 
of  fortune  and  pre-eminence  joined  equally  with  the 
lowest  and  meanest"  in  the  measures  resorted  to  to 
rob  him  of  authority. 

To  the  south  and  north  of  Virginia,  counsels  were 
divided.  Those  who  led  against  the  government  in 
North  Carolina  had  good  reason  to  doubt  whether  they 
had  even  a  bare  majority  of  the  people  of  their  colony  at 
their  back.  Every  country-side  in  South  Carolina,  for 
all  Charleston  was  as  hot  as  Boston  against  the  min 
isters,  was  full  of  warm,  aggressive,  out-spoken  sup 
porters  of  the  King's  prerogative.  The  rural  districts 
of  Pennsylvania,  every  one  knew,  were  peopled  with 
quiet  Quakers  whose  very  religion  bade  them  offer  no 

47 


THE   APPROACH   OF   REVOLUTION 

resistance  even  to  oppressive  power,  and  of  phlegmatic 
Germans  who  cared  a  vast  deal  for  peace  but  very  little 
for  noisy  principles  that  brought  mischief.  Many  a 
wealthy  and  fashionable  family  of  Philadelphia,  more 
over,  was  much  too  comfortable  and  much  too  pleasant 
ly  connected  with  influential  people  on  the  other  side  of 
the  water  to  relish  thoughts  of  breach  or  rebellion.  Vir 
ginians,  it  might  have  seemed,  were  themselves  remote 
enough  from  the  trouble  which  had  arisen  in  Massa 
chusetts  to  keep  them  in  the  cool  air  of  those  who  wait 
and  will  not  lead.  But  they  were  more  in  accord  than 
the  men  of  Massachusetts  itself,  and  as  quick  to  act. 
By  the  close  of  June,  1775,  Charles  Lee  could  write 
from  Williamsburg,  "Never  was  such  vigor  and  con 
cord  heard  of,  not  a  single  traitor,  scarcely  a  silent 
dissentient."  As  the  men  of  the  several  counties  arm 
ed  themselves,  as  if  by  a  common  impulse,  all  turned 
as  of  .course  to  Colonel  Washington,  of  Fairfax,  as  their 
natural  commander;  and  no  one  in  Virginia  was  sur 
prised  to  learn  his  response.1  "It  is  my  full  intention/' 
he  said,  "  to  devote  my  life  and  fortune  to  the  cause  we 
are  engaged  in."  On  the  20th  of  March,  1775,  the  sec 
ond  revolutionary  convention  of  Virginia  met  at  Rich 
mond,  not  at  Williamsburg ;  and  in  it  Mr.  Henry  made 
his  individual  declaration  of  war  against  Great  Britain.2 
Older  and  more  prudent  men  protested  against  his  words ; 
but  they  served  on  the  committee  on  the  military  organ 
ization  of  the  colony  for  which  his  resolutions  called, 
and  Virginia  was  made  ready. 

Here  our  general  authorities  are  still  Bancroft,  Hildreth,  and 
Bryant ;  David  Ramsay's  History  of  the  American  Revolution  ; 
the  last  volume  of  James  Grahame's  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  United 
States  of  North  America  ;  John  Fiske's  American  Revolution  ; 

1  See  page  248  O  s  See  page  262 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

Thomas  Hutchinson's  History  of  Massachusetts ;  John  S.  Barry's 
History  of  Massachusetts ;  Richard  Frothingham's  Rise  of  the 
Republic  of  the  United  States;  Justin  Winsor's  The  Conflict  Pre 
cipitated,  in  the  sixth  volume  of  Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  America ;  and  the  twelfth  chapter  of  W.  E.  H.  Lecky's 
History  of  England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century.  To  these  we  now 
add  Frank  Moore's  Diary  of  the  American  Revolution ;  George 
Chalmers's  Introduction  to  the  History  of  the  Revolt ;  Timothy 
Pitkin's  Political  and  Civil  History  of  the  United  States ;  and  the 
fourth  volume  of  John  Richard  Green's  History  of  the  English 
People.  Here,  also,  the  biographies  of  the  chief  public  men  of  the 
period  must  be  the  reader's  constant  resource  for  a  closer  view  of 
affairs,  particularly  the  Lives  of  such  men  as  John  and  Samuel 
Adams,  John  Dickinson,  Franklin,  Hamilton,  Patrick  Henry, 
John  Jay,  Jefferson,  the  Lees,  George  Mason,  James  Otis,  Timothy 
Pickering,  and  Washington. 

The  chief  sources  that  should  be  mentioned  are  the  Debates  of 
Parliament ;  the  Annual  Register  ;  the  Proceedings  and  Collections 
of  the  Historical  Societies  of  the  original  States;  Peter  Force's 
American  Archives;  Jared  Sparks's  Correspondence  of  the  Rev 
olution  ;  Hezekiah  Niles's  Principles  and  Acts  of  the  Revolution 
in  America;  Copy  of  Letters  sent  to  Great  Britain  by  Thomas 
Hutchinson,  reprinted  in  Franklin  Before  the  Privy  Council; 
P.  0.  Hutchinson's  Life  and  Letters  of  Thomas  Hutchinson  ;  and 
the  published  speeches,  letters,  and  papers  of  the  leading  American 
and  English  statesmen  of  the  time. 


CHAPTER    IV 
THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

THEN,  almost  immediately,  came  the  clash  of  arms. 
General  Gage  would  not  sit  still  and  see  the  country 
round  about  him  made  ready  for  armed  resistance  with 
out  at  least  an  effort  to  keep  control  of  it.  On  the  igth 
of  April  he  despatched  eight  hundred  men  to  seize  the 
military  stores  which  the  provincials  had  gathered  at 
Concord,  and  there  followed  an  instant  rising  of  the 
country.  Riders  had  sped  through  the  country-side 
during  the  long  night  which  preceded  the  movement  of 
the  troops,  to  give  warning ;  and  before  the  troops  could 
finish  their  errand  armed  men  beset  them  at  almost 
every  turn  of  the  road,  swarming  by  companies  out  of 
every  hamlet  and  firing  upon  them  from  hedge  and 
fence  corner  and  village  street  as  if  they  were  outlaws 
running  the  gauntlet.  The  untrained  villagers  could 
not  stand  against  them  in  the  open  road  or  upon  the 
village  greens,  where  at  first  they  mustered,  but  they 
could  make  every  way-side  covert  a  sort  of  ambush, 
every  narrow  bridge  a  trap  in  which  to  catch  them  at  a 
disadvantage.  Their  return  to  Boston  quickened  to  a 
veritable  rout,  and  they  left  close  upon  three  hundred 
of  their  comrades,  dead,  wounded,  or  prisoners,  behind 
them  ere  they  reached  the  cover  of  their  lines  again. 
The  news  of  their  march  and  of  the  attack  upon  them 

51 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

had  spread  everywhere,  and  in  every  quarter  the  roads 
filled  with  the  provincial  minute  men  marching  upon 
Boston.  Those  who  had  fired  upon  the  troops  and 
driven  them  within  their  lines  did  not  go  home  again  ; 


In  Tfovincial  Congrefs,   Water  town,    June    17  A; '1 77^. 

Y17 HERE  AS  the  hoflik  Incur  fans  this  Country  is  cxpffiJ  fo,  and 
the  frequent  Alarms  ive  may  expect  jrom  the  Military  (jpcrat'ions 
cfour  Enemies,  make  It  nccejjary  that  the  good  People  of  this  Colony  be 
on  their  Guard,  aod  prepared,  at  all  Times  to  rejijl  their  Ait^iks,  and 
to  aid  and  aflift  their  Brethren  :  Therefore,. 

RESOLVED,  That  it  be  and  hereby  is  recommended  to  theMilitia^ 
in  all  Parts  of  this  Colony,  to  hold  themfelves  in  Readihefs  to  march 
at  a  Minute's  Warning,  to  the  Relief  of  any  Place  that  may  be  at 
tacked,  or  to  the  Support  of  our  Army,  with  at  leaft  twenty  Cam  idges- 
or  Rounds  of  Powder  and  Ball.  And  to  prevent  all  Confulion  or 
Delays,  It  is  further  recommended  to  thelnhabitants  of  thisCo!ony,liv- 
ing  on  the  Seacoafts,  or  within'twenty  Miles  of  them,  that  they  ( arry 
their  Arms  and  Ammunition  vrkh  them  to  Meeting,  on  the  Sabbath 

and  other  Days,  when  they  meet  for  public  Worfhip  : Rejolved^ 

1  hat  all  Vacancies  in  the  feveral  Regiments  of  Militia;  occafioned 
;by  the  Officers  going  into  the  Army,  or  otherwife,  "be  immediately 
jfiilcd  up  :  And  it  is  recommended  to  the  Regiments  where  fuch  Va 
cancies  are,  to  fupply  them  in  manner  and  form  as  prefcribed  by  the 
Refutations  of  Congrefs. 

A  trtic  Copy  from  the  Minutes, 

< 

SAMUEL  FREEMAN,  Sccry, 


NOTICE   TO    MILITIA 


those  who  came  too  late  for  the  fighting  stayed  to  see 
that  there  were  no  more  sallies  from  the  town ;  and  the 
morning  of  the  20th  disclosed  a  small  army  set  down 
by  the  town  in  a  sort  of  siege. 

That  same  night  of  the  2oth  Lord  Dunmore,  in  Vir 
ginia,  landed  a  force  of  marines  from  an  armed  sloop  in 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  CONCORD   FIGHT 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE   AMERICAN    PEOPLE 

the  river  and  seized  the  gunpowder  stored  at  Williams- 
burg.  There,  too,  the  country  rose, — under  Mr.  Henry 
himself  as  captain.  They  did  not  reach  the  scene  soon 
enough  to  meet  the  marines, — there  were  no  thick-set 
villages  in  that  country-side  to  pour  their  armed  men 
into  the  roads  at  a  moment's  summons, — but  they  forced 
the  earl,  their  governor,  to  pay  for  the  powder  he  had 
ordered  seized  and  taken  off. 

The  rude  muster  at  Boston  expanded  into  a  motley 
yeoman  army  of  sixteen  thousand  men  within  the  first 
week  of  its  sudden  rally,  and  settled  in  its  place  to  watch 
the  town  until  the  general  Congress  of  the  colonies  at 

Philadelphia  should 
give  it  countenance, 
and  a  commander.  On 
the  day  the  Congress 

SIGNATURE   OF   ETHAN    ALLEN  met        (May       10,       1775^ 

Ethan    Allen    walked 

into  the  unguarded  gates  of  the  fort  at  Ticonderoga, 
at  the  head  of  a  little  force  out  of  Vermont,  and  took 
possession  of  the  stout  place  "  in  the  name  of  the  Great 
Jehovah  and  the  Continental  Congress,"  though  he 
held  a  commission  from  neither;  and  two  days  later 
Crown  Point,  near  by,  was  taken  possession  of  in  the 
same  manner.  When  the  Congress  met  it  found  itself 
no  longer  a  mere  "Congress  of  Committees,''  assem 
bled  for  conference  and  protest.  Its  appeals  for  better 
government,  uttered  the  last  autumn,  its  arguments  for 
colonial  privilege,  its  protestations  of  loyalty  and  its 
prayers  for  redress,  had  been,  one  and  all,  not  so 
much  rejected  as  put  by  with  contempt  by  the  King 
and  his  ministers;  and  the  mere  movement  of  affairs 
was  hurrying  the  colonies  which  it  represented  into 

54 


THE   WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

measures  which  would  presently  put  the  whole  mat 
ter  of  its  controversy  with  the  government  at  home 
beyond  the  stage  of  debate.1  Its  uneasy  members  did 
not  neglect  to  state  their  rights  again,  in  papers  whose 
moderation  and  temper  of  peace  no  candid  man  could 
overlook  or  deny;  but  they  prepared  for  action  also 


RUINS    OF    FORT   TICONDEROGA 


quite  as  carefully,  like  practical  men  who  did  not  deceive 
themselves  even  in  the  midst  of  hope. 

Colonel  Washington  had  come  to  the  Congress  in  his 
provincial  uniform;  and,  if  no  one  cared  to  ask  a  man 
with  whom  it  was  so  obviously  difficult  to  be  familiar 
why  he  wore  such  a  habit  there,  all  were  free  to  draw 
their  own  conclusions.  It  was,  no  doubt,  his  instinctive 
expression  of  personal  feeling  in  the  midst  of  all  that 
was  happening;  and  his  service  in  the  Congress  was 
from  first  to  last  that  of  a  soldier.  Its  committees  con 
sulted  him  almost  every  day  upon  some  question  of 


VOL.    IV. 5 


55 


See  page  254. 


WATCHING   THE   FIGHT   AT   BUJN'KEK    HILL 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

military  preparation:  the  protection  of  the  frontier 
against  the  Indians,  the  organization  of  a  continental 
force,  the  management  of  a  commissariat,  the  gather 
ing  of  munitions,  proper  means  of  equipment,  feasible 
plans  of  fortification.  While  they  deliberated,  his  own 
colony  passed  openly  into  rebellion.  The  1st  of  June 
saw  Virginia's  last  House  of  Burgesses  assemble.  By 
the  8th  of  the  month  Dunmore  had  fled  his  capital, 
rather  than  see  a  second  time  the  anger  of  a  Williams- 
burg  mob,  and  was  a  fugitive  upon  one  of  his  Maj 
esty's  armed  vessels  lying  in  the  river.  The  colony 
had  thenceforth  no  government  save  such  as  it  gave 
itself ;  and  its  delegates  at  Philadelphia  knew  that  there 
was  for  them  no  turning  back. 

On  the  1 5th  of  June,  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  John 
Adams,  the  Congress  chose  Colonel  Washington  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  American  forces,  and  directed 
him  to  repair  to  Boston  and  assume  command  in  the 
field.  Two  days  later  the  British  and  the  provincials 
met  in  a  bloody  and  stubborn  fight  at  Bunker  Hill. 
On  the  25th  of  May  heavy  reinforcements  for  General 
Gage  had  arrived  from  over  sea  which  swelled  the  force 
of  regulars  in  Boston  to  more  than  eight  thousand 
men,  and  added  three  experienced  general  officers  to 
Gage's  council :  William  Howe,  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and 
John  Burgoyne.  The  British  commanders  saw  very 
well,  what  was  indeed  apparent  enough  to  any  soldier, 
that  their  position  in  Boston  could  be  very  effectively 
commanded  to  the  north  and  south  on  either  hand  by 
cannon  placed  upon  the  heights  of  Charlestown  or  Dor 
chester,  and  determined  to  occupy  Charlestown  heights 
at  once,  the  nearer  and  more  threatening  position.  But 
so  leisurely  did  they  go  about  it  that  the  provincials 

57 


J 

:1 

4 
•^ 

t 

4. 


i 


\v 


[l. 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

were  beforehand  in  the  project.  The  early  morning 
light  of  the  lyth  of  June  disclosed  them  still  at  work 
there  on  trenches  and  redoubts  which  they  had  begun 
at  midnight.  The  British  did  not  stop  to  use  either 
the  guns  of  the  fleet  or  any  caution  of  indirect  approach 
to  dislodge  them,  but  at  once  put  three  thousand  men 
straight  across  the  water  to  take  the  hill,  whose  crest 
the  Americans  were  fortifying,  by  direct  assault.  It 
cost  them  a  thousand  men;  and  the  colonials  retired, 
outnumbered  though  they  were,  only  because  their 
powder  gave  out,  not  their  pluck  or  steadfastness. 
When  the  thing  was  done,  the  British  did  not  care  to 
take  another  intrenched  position  from  men  who  held 
their  fire  till  they  were  within  a  few  score  yards  of 
them  and  then  volleyed  with  the  definite  and  deadly 
aim  of  marksmen. 

Colonel  Washington  received  his  formal  commission 
on  the  ipth,  and  was  on  horseback  for  the  journey  north 
ward  by  the  2 1st.  On  the  3d  of  July  he  assumed  com 
mand  at  Cambridge.1  In  choosing  Washington  for  the 
command  of  the  raw  levies  of  Massachusetts,  Connecti 
cut,  Rhode  Island,  and  New  Hampshire  set  down  in  im 
promptu  siege  before  Boston,  Mr.  John  Adams  and  the 
other  New  Englanders  who  acted  with  him  had  meant, 
not  only  to  secure  the  services  of  the  most  experienced 
soldier  in  America,  but  also,  by  taking  a  man  out  of  the 
South,  to  give  obvious  proof  of  the  union  and  co-opera 
tion  of  the  colonies.  They  had  chosen  better  than  they 
knew.  It  was  no  small  matter  to  have  so  noticeable  a 
man  of  honor  and  breeding  at  the  head  of  an  army  whose 
enemies  deemed  it  a  mere  peasant  mob  and  rowdy  as 
semblage  of  rebels.  Washington  himself,  with  his 
notions  of  authority,  his  pride  of  breeding,  his  schooling 

1  See  page  276.  /:,. 


BOSTON  AND   BUNKER  HILL,   FROM   A   PRINT  PUBLISHED   IN   1781 


THE  WAR  FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

in  conduct  and  privilege,  was  far  from  pleased,  till  he 
began  to  see  below  the  surface,  with  the  disorderly 
array  he  found  of  uncouth,  intractable  plough  boys 
and  farmers,  one  esteeming  himself  as  good  as  another, 
with  free-and-easy  manners  and  a  singular,  half-indif 
ferent  insolence  against  authority  or  discipline. 

"There  are  some  fine  fellows  come  from  Virginia," 
Joseph  Reed,  of  Pennsylvania,  had  written  of  the  Vir 
ginian  delegates  to  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia;  "but 
they  are  very  high.  We  understand  they  are  the  cap 
ital  men  of  the  colony/'  It  was  good  that  one  of  the 
masterful  group  should  ride  all  the  public  way  from 
Philadelphia  to  Boston  to  take  command  of  the  army, 
the  most  conspicuous  figure  in  the  colonies,  showing 
every  one  of  the  thousands  who  crowded  to  greet  or  see 
him  as  he  passed  how  splendid  a  type  of  self-respecting 
gentlemen  was  now  to  be  seen  at  the  front  of  affairs, 
putting  himself  forward  soberly  and  upon  principle. 
The  leaders  of  the  revolt  in  Massachusetts  were  by  no 
means  all  new  men  like  John  Adams  or  habitual  agita 
tors  like  Samuel  Adams;  many  a  man  of  substance 
and  of  old  lineage  had  also  identified  himself  with  the 
popular  cause.  But  new,  unseasoned  men  were  very 
numerous  and  very  prominent  there  among  those  who 
had  turned  affairs  upside  down ;  a  very  great  number 
of  the  best  and  oldest  families  of  the  colony  had  prompt 
ly  ranged  themselves  on  the  side  of  the  government; 
the  revolution  now  at  last  on  foot  in  that  quarter  could 
too  easily  be  made  to  look  like  an  affair  of  popular 
clamor,  a  mere  rising  of  the  country.  It  was  of  signal 
advantage  to  have  high  personal  reputation  and  a 
strong  flavor,  as  it  were,  of  aristocratic  distinction 
given  it  by  this  fortunate  choice  the  Congress  had 

63 


A  HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

made  of  a  commander.  It  was  no  light  matter  to  de 
spise  a  cause  which  such  men  openly  espoused  and 
stood  ready  to  fight  for. 

The  British  lay  still  till  Washington  came,  and  gave 
him  the  rest  of  the  year,  and  all  the  winter  till  spring 
returned,  in  which  to  get  his  rude  army  into  fighting 
shape, — why,  no  one  could  tell,  not  even  their  friends 
and  spokesmen  in  Parliament.  The  Americans  swarmed 
busy  on  every  hand.  It  proved  infinitely  difficult  for  them 
to  get  supplies,  particularly  arms  and  ammunition ;  but 
slowly,  very  slowly,  they  came  in.  General  Washing 
ton  was  but  forty-three,  and  had  an  energy  which  was 
both  imperative  and  infectious.  His  urgent,  explicit, 
businesslike  letters  found  their  way  to  every  man  of 
influence  and  to  every  colonial  committee  or  assembly 
from  whom  aid  could  come.  Cannon  were  dragged  all 
the  way  from  Ticonderoga  for  his  use.  The  hardy, 
danger-loving  seamen  of  the  coasts  about  him  took  very 
cheerfully  to  privateering ;  intercepted  supply  ships  and 
even  transports  bound  for  Boston;  brought  English 
merchantmen  into  port  as  prizes;  cut  ships  out  from 
under  the  very  guns  of  a  British  man-of-war  here  and 
there  in  quiet  harbors.  Food  and  munitions  intended 
for  the  British  regiments  at  Boston  frequently  found 
their  way  to  General  Washington's  camps  instead, 
notwithstanding  Boston  harbor  was  often  full  of  armed 
vessels  which  might  have  swept  the  coasts.  The  com 
manders  in  Boston  felt  beset,  isolated,  and  uneasy,  and 
hesitated  painfully  what  to  do. 

The  country  at  large  was  open  to  the  insurgent  forces, 
to  move  in  as  they  pleased.  In  the  autumn  Colonel 
Montgomery,  the  gallant  young  Irish  soldier  who  had 
served  under  Wolfe  at  Quebec,  led  a  continental  force 

'  64 


THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

northward  through  the  wilderness ;  took  the  forts  which 
guarded  the  northern  approaches  to  Lake  Champlain; 
and  occupied  Montreal,  intercepting  and  taking  the 
little  garrison  which  left  the  place  in  boats  to  make 
its  way  down  the  river.  Meanwhile  Colonel  Benedict 
Arnold  was  at  the  gates  of  Quebec,  and  Montgomery 
pushed  forward  to  join  him.  Colonel  Arnold  had  forced 
his  way  in  from  the  coast  through  the  thick  forests  of 
Maine,  along  the  icy  streams  of  the  Kennebec  and  the 
Chaudiere.  The  bitter  journey  had  cost  him  quite  a 
third  of  the  little  force  with  which  Washington  had  sent 
him  forth.  He  had  but  seven  hundred  men  with  whom 
to  take  the  all  but  impregnable  place,  and  Montgomery 
brought  but  a  scant  five  hundred  to  assist  him.  But 
the  two  young  commanders  were  not  to  be  daunted. 
They  loved  daring,  and  touched  all  who  followed  them 
with  their  own  indomitable  spirit.  In  the  black  dark 
ness  of  the  night  which  preceded  the  last  day  of  the 
year  (December  31,  1775),  amidst  a  blinding  storm  of 
snow,  they  threw  themselves  upon  the  defences  of  the 
place,  and  would  have  taken  it  had  not  Montgomery 
lost  his  life  ere  his  men  gained  their  final  foothold 
within  the  walls.  The  Congress  at  Philadelphia  had 
at  least  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  the  colors  of  the 
Seventh  Regiment  of  his  Majesty's  regulars,  taken  at 
Fort  Chambly,  as  a  visible  token  of  Montgomery's  ex 
ploits  at  the  northern  outlet  of  Champlain;  and  every 
added  operation  of  the  Americans,  successful  or  unsuc 
cessful,  added  to  the  feeling  of  isolation  and  uneasiness 
among  the  British  at  Boston. 

October  10,  1775,  Sir  William  Howe  superseded  Gen 
eral  Gage  as  commander-in-chief  in  the  closely  watched 
and  invested  town;  but  the  change  of  commanders 

65 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

made  little  difference.     Every  one  except  the  sailors, 
the    foragers,    the   commissaries,    the   drill   sergeants. 


RICHARD   MONTGOMERY 


the  writing  clerks,  the  colonial  assemblies,  the  con 
gressional  and  local  committees,  lay  inactive  till  March 
came,  1776,  and  Washington  was  himself  ready  to 

66 


THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

take  the  offensive.  At  last  he  had  such  cannon  and 
such  tools  and  stores  and  wagons  and  teams  as  he  had 
been  asking  and  planning  and  waiting  for  the  weary, 
anxious  winter  through.  On  the  morning  of  the  5th 
of  March  the  British  saw  workmen  and  ordnance  and 
every  sign  of  a  strong  force  of  provincials  on  Dorchester 
heights,  and  were  as  surprised  as  they  had  been,  close 
upon  a  year  before,  to  see  men  and  trenches  on  Bunker 
Hill.  Washington  had  done  work  in  the  night  which 
it  was  already  too  late  for  them  to  undo ;  a  storm  beat 
the  waters  of  the  bay  as  the  day  wore  on  and  made  it 
impossible  to  put  troops  across  to  the  attack  in  boats; 
Washington  had  all  the  day  and  another  night  in 
which  to  complete  his  defences;  and  by  the  morning 
of  the  6th  the  British  knew  that  the  heights  could  not 
be  taken  without  a  risk  and  loss  they  could  not  afford. 
The  town  was  rendered  untenable  at  a  stroke.1  With 
deep  chagrin,  Howe  determined  upon  an  immediate 
evacuation;  and  by  the  iyth  he  was  aboard  his  ships, 
— eight  thousand  troops  and  more  than  a  thousand 
loyalists  who  dared  not  stay.  The  stores  and  can 
non,  the  ammunition,  muskets,  small-arms,  gun  car 
riages,  and  supplies  of  every  kind  which  he  found 
himself  obliged  to  leave  behind  enriched  Washington 
with  an  equipment  more  abundant  than  he  could  ever 
have  hoped  to  see  in  his  economical,  ill-appointed  camp 
at  Cambridge. 

The  only  British  army  in  America  had  withdrawn 
to  Halifax :  his  Majesty's  troops  had  nowhere  a  foothold 
in  the  colonies.  But  that,  every  one  knew,  was  only 
the  first  act  in  a  struggle  which  must  grow  vastly  greater 
and  more  tragical  before  it  was  ended.  Washington 
knew  very  well  that  there  was  now  no  drawing  back, 

i  See  page  284.  (> 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

Not  since  the  affair  at  Bunker  Hill  had  he  deemed  it 
possible  to  draw  back;  and  now  this  initial  success 
in  arms  had  made  the  friends  of  revolution  very  bold 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN   AS   A   POLITICIAN 

everywhere.  As  spring  warmed  into  summer  it  was 
easy  to  mark  the  growth  in  the  spirit  of  independence. 
One  of  the  first  measures  of  the  Continental  Congress, 
after  coming  together  for  its  third  annual  session  in 
May,  1776,  was  to  urge  the  several  colonies  to  provide 

68 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

themselves  with  regular  and  permanent  governments 
as  independent  states,  instead  of  continuing  to  make 
shift  with  committees  of  safety  for  executives  and  pro 
visional  "provincial  congresses"  for  legislatures,  as 


Gfi^iSv*"^ 


R.   H.   LEE'S   RESOLUTION    FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

they  had  done  since  their  government  under  the  crown 
had  fallen  to  pieces;  and  they  most  of  them  promptly 
showed  a  disposition  to  take  its  advice.  The  resolution 
in  which  the  Congress  embodied  this  significant  counsel 
plainly  declared  "that  the  exercise  of  every  kind  of 

69 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

authority  under  the  crown  ought  to  be  totally  sup 
pressed/'  and  all  the  powers  of  government  exercised 
under  authority  from  the  people  of  the  colonies, — words 
themselves  equivalent  to  a  declaration  for  entire  sep 
aration  from  Great  Britain.  Even  in  the  colonies 
where  loyalists  mustered  strongest  the  government  of 
the  crown  had  in  fact  almost  everywhere  been  openly 
thrown  off.  But  by  midsummer  it  was  deemed  best  to 
make  a  formal  Declaration  of  Independence.  North 
Carolina  was  the  first  to  instruct  her  delegates  to  take 


CoJ2yrefi-Ha.il 


STATE   HOUSE,   PHILADELPHIA,    1778 

that  final  and  irretrievable  step ;  but  most  of  the  other 
colonies  were  ready  to  follow  her  lead;  and  on  July 
4th  Congress  adopted  the  impressive  Declaration  which 
Mr.  Jefferson  had  drawn  up  in  the  name  of  its  com 
mittee.  1 

Washington  himself  had  urgently  prayed  that  such 
a  step  be  taken,  and  taken  at  once.  It  would  not  change, 
it  would  only  acknowledge,  existing  facts ;  and  it  might 
a  little  simplify  the  anxious  business  he  was  about. 
He  had  an  army  which  was  always  making  and  to  be 
made,  because  the  struggle  had  been  calculated  upon 
a  short  scale  and  the  colonies  which  were  contributing 
their  half-drilled  contingents  to  it  were  enlisting  their 
men  for  only  three  months  at  a  time.  Sometimes  the 

i  See  pages  290  and  293.  JQ 


THE   WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

men  would  consent  to  re-enlist,  sometimes  they  would 
not.  They  did  as  they  pleased,  of  course,  and  would 
time  and  again  take  themselves  off  by  whole  companies 
at  once  when  their  three  months'  term  was  up.  Sir 
William  Howe  would  come  back,  of  course,  with  a  force 
increased,  perhaps  irresistible:  would  come,  Washing 
ton  foresaw,  not  to  Boston,  where  he  could  be  cooped 


SIGNATURE    OF   THOMAS   JEFFERSON 

up  and  kept  at  bay,  but  to  New  York,  to  get  control 
of  the  broad  gateway  of  the  Hudson,  whose  long  valley 
had  its  head  close  to  the  waters  of  Lake  George  and 
Lake  Champlain,  and  constituted  an  infinitely  impor 
tant  strategic  line  drawn  straight  through  the  heart 
of  the  country,  between  New  England,  which  was  no 
doubt  hopelessly  rebellious,  and  the  middle  colonies, 
in  which  the  crown  could  count  its  friends  by  the  thou 
sand.  The  Americans  must  meet  him,  apparently, 
with  levies  as  raw  and  as  hastily  equipped  as  those 
out  of  which  an  army  of  siege  had  been  improvised  at 
Boston,  each  constituent  part  of  which  would  fall  to 
pieces  and  have  to  be  put  together  again  every  three 
months. 

The  worst  of  it  was,  that  the  country  back  of  New 
York  had  not  been,  could  not  be,  purged  of  active  loyal 
ists  as  the  country  round  about  Boston  had  been  by 
the  local  "  committees  "  of  one  sort  or  another  and  by 
the  very  active  and  masterful  young  men  who  had 
banded  themselves  together  as  "Sons  of  Liberty/'  see- 


VOL.    IV.  —  6 


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JEFFERSPN'S  ORIGINAL   DRAFT    OF  THE  DECLARATION   OF   INDEPENDENCE 


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A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 


REAR    VIEW    OF    INDEPENDENCE    HAl. 


ing  much  rich  adventure,  and  for  the  present  little 
responsibility,  ahead  of  them  in  those  days  of  gov 
ernment  by  resolution.  Washington  transferred  his 
headquarters  to  New  York  early  in  April  and  set 
about  his  almost  hopeless  task  with  characteristic 
energy  and  fertility  of  resource;  but  there  were  spies 
without  number  all  about  him,  and  every  country-side 
was  full  of  enemies  who  waited  for  General  Howe's 
coming  to  give  him  trouble.  The  formal  Declaration 
of  Independence  which  the  Congress  adopted  in  July 
hardened  the  face  and  stiffened  the  resolution  of 
every  man  who  had  definitely  thrown  in  his  lot  with 
the  popular  cause,  as  Washington  had  foreseen  that 
it  would,  just  because  it  made  resistance  avowed  re 
bellion,  and  left  no  way  of  retreat  or  compromise. 
But  it  also  deeply  grieved  and  alienated  many  a  man 

76 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

of  judgment  and  good  feeling,  and  made  party  differ 
ences  within  the  colonies  just  so  much  the  more  bitter 
and  irreconcilable. 

The  first  attempt  of  the  British  was  made  against 
Charleston  in  the  south.  A  fleet  under  Sir  Peter  Parker 
came  out  of  England  with  fresh  troops  commanded 
by  the  Earl  of  Cornwallis,  was  joined  by  transports 
and  men-of-war  from  Halifax,  bearing  a  force  under 
Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and,  as  June  drew  towards  its  close, 
delivered  a  combined  attack,  by  land  and  sea,  upon 
the  fort  on  Sullivan's  Island,  seeking  to  win  its  way 
past  to  the  capture  of  Charleston  itself.  But  they 
could  not  force  a  passage.  Two  of  the  ships, — one 
of  them  Sir  Peter's  own  flag-ship, — never  came  away 
again.  Colonel  Moultrie  and  Colonel  Thompson  beat 


THE  PUESIPENT'S  CHAIR  IN  THE  CONSTITUTIONAL  CONVENTION 

77 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 


FORT   MOULT RIE 

and 
SULLIVAN'S  ISLAND 


MAP  OF  SULLIVAN'S  ISLAND 

off  both  the  fleet  and  the  troops  landed  from  it;  and 
the  British  went  northward  again  to  concentrate  upon 
New  York. 

On  the  28th  of  June,— the  very  day  of  the  attack  at 
Charleston, — Howe's  transports  began  to  gather  in 
the  lower  bay.  A  few  days  more,  and  there  were  thirty 
thousand  troops  waiting  to  be  landed.  It  was  impos 
sible,  with  the  force  Washington  had,  to  prevent  their 
being  put  ashore  at  their  commander's  convenience.  It 
was  impossible  to  close  the  Narrows,  to  keep  their  ships 
from  the  inner  bay,  or  even  to  prevent  their  passing 
up  the  river  as  they  pleased.  Washington  could  only 
wait  within  the  exposed  town  or  within  his  trenches 
on  Brooklyn  heights,  which  commanded  the  town  al- 

78 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE" 


most   as    Dorchester    and    Charlestown    heights    com 
manded  Boston. 


WILLIAM    MOULTRIE 


For  a  month  and  more  Sir  William  waited,  his  troops 
most  of  them  still  upon  the  ships,  until  he  should  first 
attempt  to  fulfil  his  mission  of  peace  and  accommo- 

79 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

dation.  His  brother,  Admiral  Lord  Howe,  joined  him 
there  in  July.  They  were  authorized  to  offer  uncon 
ditional  pardon,  even  now,  to  all  who  would  submit. 
The  ministers  in  England  could  not  have  chosen  com 
missioners  of  peace  more  acceptable  to  the  Americans 
or  more  likely  to  be  heard  than  the  Howes.  Not  only 
were  they  men  of  honor,  showing  in  all  that  they  did 
the  straightforward  candor  and  the  instinctive  sense 
of  duty  that  came  with  their  breeding  and  their  train 
ing  in  arms,  but  they  were  also  brothers  of  that  gallant 
young  soldier  who  had  come  over  almost  twenty  3rears 
ago  to  fight  the  French  with  Abercrombie,  to  be  loved 
by  every  man  who  became  his  comrade,  and  to  lose 
his  life  untimely  fighting  forward  through  the  forests 
which  lay  about  Ticonderoga,  a  knightly  and  heroic 
figure.  But  they  could  offer  no  concessions, — only 
pardon  for  utter  submission,  and,  for  all  their  honor 
able  persistency,  could  find  no  one  in  authority  among 
the  Americans  who  would  make  the  too  exacting  ex 
change.  Their  offers  of  pardon  alternated  with  the 
movements  of  their  troops  and  their  steady  successes 
in  arms.  Lord  Howe  issued  his  first  overture  of  peace, 
in  the  form  of  a  public  proclamation  offering  pardon, 
immediately  upon  his  arrival  with  his  fleet  at  Sandy 
Hook,  and  followed  it  up  at  once  with  messages  to  the 
Congress  at  Philadelphia.  Sir  William  Howe  put  his 
troops  ashore  on  the  22d  of  August,  and  made  ready 
to  dislodge  Washington  from  the  heights  of  Brookl}rn ; 
but  on  the  23d  he  too,  in  his  turn,  made  yet  another 
offer  of  general  pardon,  by  proclamation. 

On  the  27th  he  drove  the  American  forces  on  Long 
Island  in  on  their  defences,  and  rendered  the  heights 
at  once  practically  untenable.  Washington  had  but 

80 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

eighteen    thousand    half  -  disciplined    militiamen   with 
which  to  hold  the  town  and  all  the  long  shores  of  the 


SIR    WILLIAM    HOWE 


open  bay  and  river,  and  had  put  ten  thousand  of 
them  across  the  river  to  hold  Long  Island  and  the 
defences  on  the  heights.  Sir  William  had  put  twenty 

81 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

thousand  men  ashore  for  the  attack  on  the  heights ; 
and  when  Washington  knew  that  his  advanced  guard 
was  driven  in,  and  saw  Sir  William,  mindful  of  Bun 
ker  Hill,  bestow  his  troops,  not  for  an  assault,  but  for 
an  investment  of  the  heights,  he  perceived  at  once  how 
easily  he  might  be  cut  off  and  trapped  there,  armed 
ships  lying  at  hand  which  might  at  any  moment  com 
pletely  command  the  river.  Immediately,  and  as  se 
cretly  as  quickly,  while  a  single  night  held,  he  with 
drew  every  man  and  every  gun,  as  suddenly  and  as 
successfully  as  he  had  seized  the  heights  at  Dorchester. 

Again  Sir  William  sent  a  message  of  conciliation 
to  the  Congress,  by  the  hands  of  General  Sullivan, 
his  prisoner.  On  the  nth  of  September,  before  the  next 
movement  of  arms,  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  John  Adams, 
and  Mr.  Edward  Rutledge  met  Lord  Howe  and  Sir 
William,  as  commissioners  from  the  Congress,  to  dis 
cuss  possible  terms  of  accommodation.  Dr.  Franklin 
had  been  in  London  until  March.  During  the  past  win 
ter  he  had  more  than  once  met  Lord  Howe  in  earnest 
conference  about  American  affairs,  the  ministers  wish 
ing  to  find  through  him  some  way,  if  it  were  possible, 
of  quieting  the  colonies.  But  the  ministers  had  not 
been  willing  then  to  make  the  concessions  which  might 
have  ended  the  trouble,  and  their  commissioners  were 
not  authorized  to  make  them  now;  and  the  conference 
with  the  representatives  of  the  Congress  came  to  noth 
ing,  as  the  conferences  in  London  had  come  tc  nothing. 

Washington  could  no  more  hold  Manhattan  Island 
with  the  forces  at  his  command  than  he  could  hold 
Brooklyn  heights.  He  had  no  choice  in  the  end  but 
to  retire.  General  Howe  was  cautious,  moved  slowly, 
and  handled  his  forces  with  little  energy  or  decision; 


BY    HIS     EXCELLENCY 

WILLIAM  HOWE, 

MAJOR   GENERAL,  &c.&c.&c. 


AS  Linnen  and  Woolen  Goods  arc  Articles 
much  wanted  by  the  Rebels,  and  would 
aid  and  afiift  them  in  their  Rebellion,  the  Com 
mander  in  Chief  expects  that  all  good  ^ubjccfbl 
will  ufe  their  utmoft  Endeavors  to  have  all  itich' 
Articles  convey  'd  from  this  Place:  Any  who  have 
notOpportunity  to  convey  theirGoods  under  th<  ir 
own  Care,  may  deliver  them  on  Board  the  Mi 
nerva  at  Hubbard's  Wharf,  to  Crean  Brufh,  Efq 
mark'd  with  their  Names,  who  will  give  a  Certifi 
cate  of  the  Delivery,  and  will  oblige  himfelf  to 
return  them  to.  the  Owners,  all  unavoidable  Ac- 
:idents  accepted. 

If  after  this  Notice  any  Perfon  fccretcs  or  keeps 
in  his  Pofleflion  fuch  Afticlcs,  he  will  be  treated 
^s  a  Favourer  of 


Bofcon,  March  loth,  1776, 


HOWE'S   PROCLAMATION    PREPARATORY   TO    LEAVING   BOSTON 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

Washington  made  stand  and  fought  at  every  point 
at  which  there  was  the  least  promise  of  success.  His 
men  and  his  commanders  were  shamefully  demoralized 
by  their  defeat  on  Long  Island,  but  he  held  them  to 
gether  with  singular  tact  and  authority :  repulsed  the 
enemy  at  Haarlem  heights  (September  i6th),  held  his 
own  before  them  at  White  Plains  (October  28th), — and 
did  not  feel  obliged  to  abandon  the  island  until  late  in 
November,  after  General  Greene  had  fatally  blundered 
by  suffering  three  thousand  of  the  best  trained  men 
of  the  scant  continental  force,  with  invaluable  artil 
lery,  small-arms,  and  stores,  to  be  trapped  and  taken 
at  Fort  Washington  (November  i6th). 

When  he  did  at  last  withdraw,  and  leave  Howe  in 
complete  control  of  the  great  port  and  its  approaches, 
the  situation  was  indeed  alarming.  He  had  been  un 
speakably  stung  and  disquieted,  as  he  withdrew  mile 
by  mile  up  the  island,  to  see  how  uncertain  his  men 
were  in  the  field, — how  sometimes  they  would  fight 
and  sometimes  they  would  not  at  the  hot  crisis  of  a 
critical  encounter ;  and  now  things  seemed  to  have  gone 
utterly  to  pieces.  He  might  at  any  moment  be  quite 
cut  off  from  New  England.  While  he  still  faced  Howe 
on  Manhattan  Island,  General  Carleton,  moving  with 
a  British  force  out  of  Canada,  had  driven  Benedict 
Arnold  up  Champlain,  despite  stubborn  and  gallant 
resistance  (October  nth  and  I3th),  and  on  the  i/jih  of 
October  had  occupied  Crown  Point.  There  he  had 
stopped;  and  later  news  came  that  he  had  withdrawn. 
But  apparently  he  could  strike  again  almost  when  he 
pleased,  and  threaten  all  the  long  line  of  the  Hudson 
even  to  where  Howe  lay  at  New  York  itself. 

It  was  not  mere  defeat,  however,  that  put  the  cast 

84 


EVACUATION   OF  BROOKLYN  HEIGHTS 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN    PEOPLE 

almost  of  despair  upon  affairs  as  Washington  saw 
them  that  dismal  autumn.  His  forces  seemed  to  melt 
away  under  his  very  eyes.  Charles  Lee,  his  chief 
subordinate  in  command,  too  much  a  soldier  of  fort 
une  to  be  a  man  of  honor,  obeyed  or  disregarded  his 
orders  at  his  own  discretion.  When  once  it  was  known 
that  General  Washington  had  been  obliged  to  aban 
don  the  Hudson,  consternation  and  defection  spread 
everywhere.  On  the  30th  of  November,  when  his  de 
feat  seemed  complete,  it  might  be  final,  the  Howes 
joined  in  a  fresh  proclamation  of  pardon,  inviting  all, 
once  again,  to  submit  and  be  forgiven;  and  it  looked 
for  a  little  as  if  all  who  dared  would  take  advantage 
of  the  offer  and  make  their  peace  with  the  enemy, — 
for  Washington  now  moved  in  a  region  where  opinion 
had  from  the  first  been  sharply  divided.  While  de 
fection  spread  he  was  in  full  retreat,  with  scarcely 
three  thousand  men  all  told  in  his  demoralized  force, 
— that  handful  ill-clad  and  stricken  with  disease,  and 
dwindling  fast  by  desertion, — an  overwhelming  body 
of  the  enemy,  under  Cornwallis,  at  his  very  heels  as 
he  went,  so  that  he  dared  hardly  so  much  as  pause 
for  rest  until  he  had  put  the  broad  shelter  of  the  Dela 
ware  behind  him.  "  These  are  the  times  that  try  men's 
souls/'  cried  Thomas  Paine  (December,  1776);  "the 
summer  soldier  and  the  sunshine  patriot"  were  falling 
away.  One  after  another,  that  very  summer,  the  dele 
gates  of  the  several  states  had  put  their  names  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence;  but  already  there  seemed 
small  prospect  of  making  it  good.  To  not  a  few  it 
already  began  to  seem  a  piece  of  mere  bravado,  to  be 
repented  of. 

The  real  strength  and  hope  of  the  cause  lay  in  the 

86 


IN  COUNCIL  OF  SAFETY? 

PHILADELPHIA,  Decembers,  1775, 
S  I  R, 

*Tp  HERE  is  certain  intelligence  of  General  Howes  army  being 
yefterday  on  its  march  from  Brunfwick  to  Princetown,  which  puts  it 
beyond  a  doubt  that  he  intends  for  this  city  — This  glorious  oppor* 
runity  of  fignalizing  himfelf  in  defence  of  our  country^  and  fee ui ing 
the  Rights  of  America  forever,  will  be  feized  by  every  man  who  Las 
a  fpark  of  patriotic  fire  in  his  bofom.  We  entreat  you  to  march 
the  Militia  under  your  command  with  all  poffible  expedition  to.  this 
city,  and  bring  with  you  as  many  waggons  as  you  can  poflibly  pro* 
cure,  which  you  are  hereby  authorized  to  imprefs,  if  they  cannot  b.e 
had  orhwwife — Delay  not  a  moment,  it  may  be  fatal  and  fubjeft  you 
and  all  you  hold  moft  dear  to  the  ruffian  hands  of  the  enemy,  whofe 
cruelties  are  without  difiin&ion  and  unequalled. 

By  Order  of  the  Council* 
DAVID   RITTENHOUSE,  Vice Preiident. 

T»  fh  CO  LONELScr  COMMAND  ING 
OFFlCERSeff'fc  tefieflive  Battalions  of 
tbu  STATB. 

TWO-   O'CLOCK,    P.M. 

THE  Enemy  are  at  Trenton,  and  all  the  City  Militia  ar* 
inarched  to  meet  them, 

CIRCULAR   OF   PHILADELPHIA  COUNCIL  OF 
VOL.    IV. — 7 


A   HISTORY  OF   THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

steadfastness  and  the  undaunted  initiative  of  the  in 
domitable  Virginian  whom  the  Congress  had  chosen 
for  the  chief  command.  He  proved  himself  a  maker 
as  well  as  a  commander  of  armies;  struck  oftenest  when 
he  was  deemed  most  defeated,  could  not  by  any  reverse 
be  put  out  of  the  fighting.  He  was  now  for  the  first 
time  to  give  the  British  commanders  a  real  taste  of 
his  quality.  What  there  was  to  be  done  he  did  him 
self.  The  British  stopped  at  the  Delaware;  but  their 
lines  reached  Burlington,  within  eighteen  miles  of  Phil 
adelphia,  and  from  Trenton,  which  they  held  in  some 
force,  extended  through  Princeton  to  New  Brunswick 
and  their  headquarters  at  New  York.  Philadelphia  was 
stricken  with  utter  panic.  Sick  and  ragged  soldiers 
poured  in  from  Washington's  camp,  living  evidences 
of  what  straits  he  was  in,  and  had  to  be  succored  and 
taken  care  of ;  the  country  roads  were  crowded  with 
vehicles  leaving  the  town  laden  with  women  and  chil 
dren  and  household  goods;  the  Congress  itself  incon 
tinently  fled  the  place  and  betook  itself  to  Baltimore. 
Washington's  military  stores  were  in  the  town,  but  he 
could  get  no  proper  protection  for  them.  It  was  at  that 
very  moment,  nevertheless,  that  he  showed  all  the 
world  with  what  skill  and  audacity  he  could  strike. 
By  dint  of  every  resolute  and  persistent  effort  he  had 
before  Christmas  brought  his  little  force  to  a  fighting 
strength  of  some  six  thousand.  More  than  half  of  these 
were  men  enlisted  only  until  the  new  year  should  open, 
but  he  moved  before  that. 

During  the  night  of  Christmas  Day,  1776,  ferried 
by  doughty  fishermen  from  far  Gloucester  and  Mar- 
blehead, — the  same  hardy  fellows  who  had  handled 
his  boats  the  night  he  abandoned  the  heights  of  Brook- 


OPERATIONS    AROUND   TRENTON  AND    PRINCETON.       NUMBERS    76    REPRE 
SENT   THE   CAMPS    OF    GENERAL   CORNWALLIS  AND    77  THAT  OF 
GENERAL  KNYPHAUSEN   ON   THE   230   OF   JUNE,   1777 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

lyn, — he  got  twenty-five  hundred  men  across  the  river 
through  pitchy  darkness  and  pounding  ice;  and  in 
the  early  light  and  frost  of  the  next  morning  he  took 
Trenton, 1  with  its  garrison  of  nine  hundred  Hessians, 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  There  he  waited, — keep 
ing  his  unwilling  militiamen  to  their  service  past  the 
opening  of  the  year  by  dint  of  imperative  persuasion 
and  a  pledge  of  his  own  private  fortune  for  their  pay, 
— until  Cornwallis  came  down  post-haste  out  of  New 
York  with  eight  thousand  men.  Moving  only  to  change 
his  position  a  little,  he  dared  to  wait  until  his  adver 
sary  was  encamped,  at  nightfall  of  the  2d  of  January, 
1777,  within  ear-shot  of  his  trenches ;  then  slipped  north 
ward  in  the  night,  easily  beat  the  British  detachment 
posted  at  Princeton,  as  the  next  day  dawned  and  had 
its  morning;  and  could  have  taken  or  destroyed  Corn- 
wallis's  stores  at  New  Brunswick  had  his  men  been 
adequately  shod  to  outstrip  the  British  following  hard 
behind  them.  As  it  was,  he  satisfied  himself  with 
having  completely  flanked  and  thwarted  his  foe,  and 
withdrew  safe  to  the  heights  of  Morristown.  The 
British  had  hastily  retired  from  Burlington  upon  the 
taking  of  Trenton, — so  hastily  that  they  took  neither 
their  cannon  nor  even  their  heavier  baggage  away 
with  them.  Now  they  deemed  it  unsafe  to  take  post 
anywhere  south  of  New  Brunswick,  until  spring  should 
come  and  they  could  see  what  Washington  meant  to 
do.  Once  again,  therefore,  the  Americans  controlled 
New  Jersey;  and  Washington  ordered  all  who  had 
accepted  General  Howe's  offer  of  pardon  either  to  with 
draw  to  the  British  lines  or  take  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  United  States.  Daring  and  a  touch  of  genius 
had  turned  despair  into  hope.  Americans  did  not 

i  See  page  302.  QQ 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 


soon  forget  that  sudden  triumph  of  arms,  or  that  the 
great  Frederick  of  Prussia  had  said  that  that  had  been 
the  most  brilliant  campaign  of  the  century. 

A  soldier's  eye  could  see  quickly  and  plainly  enough 
how  the  whole  aspect  of  the  war  had  been  changed  by 
those  brief,  sudden,  unexpected  strokes  at  Trenton  and 
Princeton.  Men  near  at  hand,  and  looking  for  what 
a  soldier  would  deem  it  no  business  of  his  to  reckon 
with,  saw  that  it  had  not  only  radi 
cally  altered  the  military  situation, 
but  also  the  very  atmosphere  of 
the  times  for  all  concerned.  The 
fighting  at  Trenton  and  Princeton 
had  been  of  no  great  consequence 
in  itself,  but  it  had  in  every  way 
put  the  war  beyond  its  experimental 
stage.  It  had  taught  the  British 
commanders  with  what  sort  of 
spirit  and  genius  they  had  to  deal, 
and  how  certain  it  was  that  their 
task  must  be  carried  to  a  finish 
not  only  by  conquering  marches 
and  a  mere  occupation  of  the  country,  but  by  careful 
strategy  and  the  long  plans  of  a  set  campaign.  More 
over,  they  now  obviously  had  a  country,  and  not  an 
insurgent  army  merely,  to  conquer, — and  a  vast  country 
at  that.  That  surprising  winter  had  set  men's  sinews 
to  what  they  had  undertaken,  on  the  one  side  as  on 
the  other. 

In  December  (1776)  it  had  looked  as  if  all  firmness 
had  been  unnerved  and  all  hope  turned  to  foreboding 
by  the  success  of  the  British  at  New  York  and  in  the 
Jerseys.  Joseph  Galloway,  of  Pennsylvania,  when 


HESSIAN    BOOT 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

that  crisis  came,  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
to  remove  within  the  British  lines  and  cast  in  his  lot 
there  with  those  who  were  ready  to  stake  everything 
upon  their  loyalty  and  the  success  of  the  British  arms. 
Others  followed  his  example, — some  out  of  panic,  but 
many,  it  seemed,  not  out  of  fear,  but  out  of  principle. 
Only  the  other  day  Mr.  Galloway  had  been  the  chief 
figure  in  the  Congress  of  Committees  which  spoke  for 
the  colonies ;  for  many  a  long  day  he  had  been  the  chief 
figure  in  the  politics  of  his  own  colony;  and  many  of 
those  who  made  submission  when  he  did  were  of  families 
of  the  first  dignity  and  consequence.  They,  like  him, 
had  been  champions  of  colonial  rights  until  it  came 
to  the  point  of  rebellion.  They  would  not  follow  further. 
Their  example  was  imitated  now,  moreover,  in  their 
act  of  formal  submission,  by  some  who  had  played  the 
part  of  patriot  more  boldly  and  with  less  compunction. 
Mr.  Samuel  Tucker,  even,  who  until  this  untoward 
month  had  been  president  of  New  Jersey's  revolutionary 
committee  of  safety,  made  his  submission.  It  seemed 
hard  to  find  steadfastness  anywhere. 

But  Washington's  genius  and  the  license  of  the 
British  soldiery  had  turned  the  tide  at  last,  when  it 
seemed  upon  the  very  point  of  becoming  overwhelm 
ing.  The  occupation  of  the  British,  brief  as  it  had 
been,  had  brought  upon  New  York  and  the  Jerseys 
experiences  like  those  of  a  country  overrun  by  a  foreign 
soldiery  permitted  almost  every  license  of  conquest. 
When  the  ministers  in  England  found  themselves, 
in  1774,  face  to  face  with  the  revolt  in  the  colonies, 
they  could  count  but  17,547  men  all  told  in  the  King's 
forces;  and  when  it  came  to  sudden  recruiting,  they 

could  obtain  very  few  enlistments.     They  dared  not  risk 

92 


]. \  TR    iCT  t,f  a   LeUtr  jtov.   a>2  Of./.'    <f  Dfoi 31:,;:    in   //> 
American  jlrnr;. 


SI  X  ("  F.  I  •:•.-•  -r  yo  i  t'»^  morr.ir::;,  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  hearing 
a  n:u::'>-!  ,.i  the  p.trtioihvs  of  the  horrid  dcpreditions  committed  bv  that 
i  .  i  of  t!  e  L'riuiii  anr.\,  which  was  lbti;i!ied  at  and  near  Pcnnytown,  'under 
I'M  i  :;.-i!..:ui  <>t  L;>i  1  (  T'I .vallis.  Betides  the  livteen  young  women  who'had 
-'•  i  -  -  t::  woo  \<  to  avoid  their  brutality,  and  were  there  fcized  and  carried  off, 
MIC-  n.  iti  h  -1  the  cruel  mortification  to  have  hu  \\ue  and  only  daughter  (a  child 
ri  t-;i  years  i.f  a-?')  ravilhed;  this  hs  himfe'..,  almoll  choaked  with  grief,  ut- 
t:rc.i  in  lamentations  to  his  friend,  who  told  me  of  it,  and  aHo  informed  me 
t'ut  another  girl  of  thirteen  years  of  age  was  taken  from  her  father's  houfe,  car 
ried  to  a  ham  jhi;ut  a  mile,  there  ravilhsd,  and  afterwards  made  ufe  of  by  five 
niv.e  of  li  .  ,1-  hutcs.  Numbers  o/  imbncx-k  of  tlie  fame  kind  of  behaviour  I 
am  afl'.ircd  of  have  happened  :  here  their  brutiih  luil  were  their  llimulas  ;  but' 
wanton  iniichief  \va*  ken  in  every  part  of  the  country  ;  every  thing  portable 
they  plunder  and  carry  off,  neither  a^c  nor  fe.v,  Whig  or  Tory,  is  fpared ;  an 
j-uliftriminate  ruin  attends  every  perfon  they  meet  with,  infants,  children,  old 
i:r--n  and  women,  are  left  in  their  ihirts  without  a  blanket  to  cover  them  in  thit 
inclement  leaf  >n  ;  furniture  of  every  kind  deSiroved  or  burnt,  windows  and  doors 
broke  to  piece* ;  in  fliort,  the  houfcs  lelt  unh  -.i-. table,  and  the  people  left  with 
out  proviiiu-ns,  for  every  h:>rfe,  cow,  o\,  Logs  and  poultry,  carried  off  :  a  blind 
old  gentleman  near  Penny  town  plunders  i  ot  e.x-rv  thing,  and  on  his  door  wrote, 
'  Capt.  U'ills  of  the  Royal  Irilh  did  thi-.'  As  a  notable  proof  of  their  regard 
and  favour  to  their  friends  and  well-uiihers,  they  yeflerday  burnt  the  elegant 
houfe  of  Daniel  Cox,  lifq;  at  Trenton-Ferry,  who  has  been  their  conilant  ad- 
vocr.tc,  and  lupporter  of  Torvifm  in  that  part  cf  the- country  :  this  behaviour 
of  theirs  has  fo  exafperated  the  people  of  the  country,  that  they  are  flying  to 
arms,  and  forming  themfelvcs  into  parties  tu  \\ay-laythem  and  cut  then^.  oil 
wherever  they  can  meet  with  them  :  this,  and  oilier  effort!  which  arc  making, 
I  ho'ic  will  fo  (IreightCfi  them  that-  they  will  loon  find  their  lituatijn  very  difa- 
•reeahle  in  New- lei  ley.  Another  inftance  of  their  brutality  happened  near 
VVoodbridgC  :  One  of  tlie  mo:t  refpcct.'.ble  gentlem-jn.in  that  part  of  the  c.iuu- 
trv  was  alarmed  by  the  cries  and  Ihrieks  of  a  moil  lovely  daughter  ;  he  found  an 
wfricer,  a  Britiih  officer,  in  the  act  of  ravilhing  her,  he  inlbmly  put  him  to 
death  ;  two  other  otiiceio  rulhed  in  with  fufees,  and  fired  two  balls  into  the  h- 
ther,  who  is  now  Lmguilhing  under  his  wounds.  I  am  tired  cf  this  horrid 
Icenc  ;  Almighty  Juftice  cannot  fuffer  it  to  go  unpunifhed  :  he  will  infpirit.  his 
people  (who  o"ly  claim  that  liberty  which  he  has  entitled  them  to)  to  do  them- 
fclves  jurtice,  to' rife  uaiverUlly  in  arms,  and  drive  th.-fs  invading  tyrants  out 
•f  our  country. 

Publiihed  by  order  of    the  Council  of  Safety, 
GEO.  BICKHAM,  Secretary,  pro.  tern. 


Printed    hy    J  O  II  X     D  U_XLAP. 


LETTER   CONCERNING    BRITISH    OUTRAGES 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

conscription, — English  opinion  had  never  tolerated 
that,  except  to  meet  invasion.  They  sent  to  America, 
therefore,  to  reinforce  General  Howe,  not  only  English 
soldiers  as  many  as  they  could  muster,  but  a  great 
force  of  German  troops  as  well,  hired  by  the  regiment, 
their  trained  officers  included,  from  the  Landgrave  of 
Hesse-Cassel  and  other  German  princes,  neighbors  to 
the  German  dominions  of  the  House  of  Hannover. 
It  was  close  upon  a  thousand  of  these  "Hessians" 
(for  the  colonists  knew  them  all  by  that  single  name) 
that  Washington  had  taken  at  Trenton,  but  not  until 
they  and  their  comrades  had  had  time  to  make  every 
country-side  from  New  York  to  the  Delaware  dread 
and  hate  them.  The  British  commanders  had  suf 
fered  their  men,  whether  English  or  foreign,  to  plunder 
houses,  insult  and  outrage  women,  destroy  fields  of 
grain,  and  help  themselves  to  what  the  towns  contained 
almost  as  they  pleased;  and  had  hardened  the  faces 
of  ten  of  the  angry  colonists  against  them  for  every 
one  who  made  submission  and  sought  to  put  himself 
on  their  side,  accordingly.  Their  marauding  parties 
made  little  distinction  between  friend  and  foe,  so  they 
but  got  what  they  wanted.  Washington  could  thank 
them  for  doing  more  to  check  defections  from  the  patri 
otic  party  than  he  could  possibly  do  for  himself  by 
carrying  out  the  orders  of  the  Congress  to  disarm  all 
loyalists  and  bring  recusants  to  a  sharp  reckoning. 

And  so  the  year  1777  dawned  like  a  first  year  of  settled 
war  and  revolution.  For  a  little  while,  at  the  outset 
of  the  year,  the  Congress  made  Washington  practical 
dictator  in  every  affair  that  concerned  the  prosecution 
of  the  war.  It  authorized  long  enlistments,  moreover, 
instead  of  the  makeshift  enrolments  for  three  months 

94 


si'o.SKD'YCK \*f:  fljKN. 

.'/UKIIOOU,  wtK>  n  \\  ;:,A~  Y  ixci  IXATION  TO  JoiN'rilETROO.'S,  " 

NCW    R  USj.;<g  ••  fvDKR  , 

.  o.     TH  .:    i>  u     i.  JK  tit    Tim 

[ /BERT((EA  ANp.:WDEP£NbENCA    ' 
or  Tin;  r  s  rr-r  r>  STATES,  . 

tAKE  NOTICE, 


RECRUITING    POSTER 

Editor's  Note. — The  blurred  inscription  at  the  bottom  of  the  poster  reads  as  follows  : 

That  tuesday,  Wednesday,  thursday,  friday,  and  Saturday,  at  Spotswood,  in  Middlesex 
county,  attendance  will  be  given  by  Lieutenant  Reading,  with  his  music  and  recruiting  party 

of company  in  Major  Shute's  Battalion  of  the  nth  regiment  of  infantry,  commanded 

by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Aaron  Ogden,  for  the   purpose  of   receiving  the  enrollment  of  such 
youth  of  spirit  as  may  be  willing  to  enter  into  this  honourable  service. 

The  Encouragement,  at  this  time,  to  enlist  is  truly  liberal  and  generous,  namely,  a  bounty 
of  twelve  dollars,  an  annual  and  fully  sufficient  supply  of  good  and  handsome  cloathing,  a  daily 
allowance  of  a  large  and  ample  ration  of  provisions,  together  with  sixty  dollars  a  year  in  gold 
and  silver  money  on  account  ot  pay,  the  whole  of  which  the  soldier  may  lay  up  for  himself  and 
friends,  as  all  articles  proper  for  his  subsistence  and  comfort  are  provided  by  law,  without  any 
expence  to  him. 

Those  who  may  favour  this  recruiting  party  with  their  attendance  as  above  will  liave  an 
opportunity  of  hearing  and  seeing  in  a  more  particular  manner  the  great  advantages  which 
these  brave  men  will  have  who  shall  embrace  this  opportunity  of  spending  a  few  happy  years 
in  viewing  the  different  parts  of  this  beautiful  continent,  in  the  honourable  and  truly  respectable 
character  of  a  soldier,  after  which  he  may,  if  he  pleases,  return  home  to  his  friends,  with  his 
Dockets  full  of  money  and  his  head  covered  with  laurels. 

GOD  SAVE  THE  UNITED   STATES. 


A  HISTORY   OF   THE   AMERICAN    PEOPLE 

which  had  hitherto  kept  Washington's  army  always 
a-making  and  to  be  made,  dissolving  and  reforming 
month  by  month.  The  Congress  had,  it  is  true,  neither 
the  energy  nor  the  authority  it  needed.  It  could  get 
little  money  to  pay  the  troops;  its  agents  seriously 
mismanaged  the  indispensable  business  of  supplying 
the  army  with  stores  and  clothing;  and  the  men  de 
serted  by  the  score  in  disgust.  Washington  declared, 
in  the  summer  of  1777,  that  he  was  losing  more  men 
by  desertion  than  he  was  gaining  by  enlistment,  do 
what  he  would.  But  these  were  difficulties  of  adminis 
tration.  In  spite  of  all  dangers  and  discouragements, 
it  was  evident  that  the  continent  was  settling  to  its 
task.  And  the  end  of  the  year  showed  the  struggle 
hopefully  set  forward  another  stage. 

The  military  operations  of  that  memorable  year 
were  a  striking  illustration  of  the  magnitude  of  the 
task  the  British  generals  were  set  to  accomplish,  and 
of  their  singular  lack  of  the  energy,  decision,  and  de 
spatch  necessary  to  accomplish  it.  They  seemed  like 
men  who  dallied  and  dreamed  and  did  not  mean  to 
succeed.  They  planned  like  men  of  action,  but  then 
tarried  and  bungled  at  the  execution  of  their  plans. 
It  was  their  purpose  that  year  (1777)  to  strike  from 
three  several  directions  along  the  valley  of  the  Hudson, 
and  break  once  for  all  the  connection  between  the  New 
England  colonies  and  their  confederates.  General 
Burgoyne  was  to  move,  with  eight  thousand  men,  down 
Lake  Champlain;  Colonel  St.  Leger,  with  a  small  but 
sufficient  force,  along  a  converging  line  down  the  val 
ley  of  the  Mohawk,  from  Oswego  on  Ontario ;  and  Gen 
eral  Howe  was  to  meet  them  from  the  south,  moving 

in  strength  up  the  Hudson.     More  than  thirty -three 

96 


JOHN   BURGOYNE 


thousand  men  would  have  effectually  swept  the  whole 
of  that  great  central  valley,  north  and  south,  when 
their  plan  was  executed.  But  it  was  not  executed. 
The  British  commanders  were  to  learn  that,  for  their 
armies,  the  interior  of  the  country  was  impracticable. 

Both  St.  Leger  and  Burgoyne  were  baffled  in  that 
vast  wilderness.  It  was  simple  enough  for  Burgoyne 
to  descend  the  lakes  and  take  once  again  the  forts  which 
guarded  them.  Even  Ticonderoga  he  took  without 
a  blow  struck.  A  precipitous  height,  which  the  Amer 
icans  had  supposed  inaccessible  by  any  sort  of  carriage, 
rose  above  the  strong  fortifications  of  the  place  beyond 
a  narrow  strip  of  water;  the  English  dragged  cannon 
to  its  summit ;  and  General  St.  Clair  promptly  withdrew 
in  the  night,  knowing  his  position  to  be  no  longer 
tenable.  But  it  was  another  matter  to  penetrate  the 
forests  which  lay  about  Lake  George  and  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Hudson  with  militiamen  out  of  every 
country-side  within  reach  swarming  thicker  and  thicker 
at  every  step  the  redcoats  took  into  the  depths  of  the 
perplexing  region.  A  thousand  men  Burgoyne  felt 
obliged  to  leave  at  Ticonderoga  for  the  sake  of  his  com 
munications;  close  upon  a  thousand  more  he  lost  (Au 
gust  1 6th)  at  Bennington,  whither  he  had  sent  them  to 
seize  stores ;  and  by  the  time  he  had  reached  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Saratoga  with  the  six  thousand  left  him, 
fully  fourteen  thousand  provincials  beset  him.  He 
had  been  told  that  the  people  of  the  country  through 
which  he  was  to  pass  would  gladly  give  him  aid  and 
succor;  that  those  quiet  forests  of  Vermont  and  New 
York  would  even  yield  him,  it  might  be,  a  regiment 
or  two  of  loyalists  wherewith  to  recruit  his  ranks  when 
once  his  presence  there  should  give  the  secluded  settlers 

98 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

heart  of  grace  to  declare  themselves  openly  for  the 
King.  Instead  of  that,  he  presently  had  a  formidable 
force  of  provincial  yeomanry  out  of  Vermont  dogging 


ARTHUR   ST.   CLAIR 


his  steps  under  General  Lincoln;  a  like  levy,  hurriedly 
drawn  together  out  of  New  Hampshire  and  Massa 
chusetts,  beat  and  captured  his  best  German  troops  at 
Bennington;  the  country  was  emptied  of  its  people 

99 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

and  of  its  cattle,  was  stripped  of  its  forage  even,  as  he 
advanced;  and  every  step  he  took  threatened  to  cut 
him  off  alike  from  his  sources  of  supply  and  from  his 
lines  of  retreat.  It  maddened  the  watchful  men  of 
those  scattered  homes  to  see  him  come  with  half  a  thou 
sand  savages  at  his  front.  It  had  been  bad  enough 
to  see  any  invaders  on  that  defenceless  border :  but  the 
presence  of  the  redskins  put  their  homes  and  their  lives 
in  immediate  and  deadly  peril,  and  they  mustered  as 
they  would  have  mustered  to  meet  a  threat  of  massacre. 
Burgoyne  himself  would  have  checked  his  savage 
allies  when  the  mischief  had  been  done  and  it  was  too 
late ;  but  he  only  provoked  them  to  desert  him  and  leave 
him  without  guides  in  an  almost  pathless  wilderness, 
without  appeasing  the  men  their  presence  had  brought 
swarming  upon  his  flanks. 

He  pushed  forward  nevertheless,  dogged,  indomit 
able,  determined  to  risk  everything  rather  than  fail 
of  his  rendezvous  with  Howe  and  St.  Leger  at  the 
Hudson.  And  yet  close  upon  the  heels  of  his  defeat 
and  heavy  loss  at  Bennington  came  news  that  St.  Leger 
had  already  failed.  Late  in  July,  St.  Leger  had  thrust 
his  way  cautiously  through  the  forests  from  Oswego 
to  the  upper  waters  of  the  Mohawk;  and  there,  on  the 
3d  of  August,  he  had  set  himself  down  to  take  Fort 
Stanwix,  with  its  little  garrison  of  six  hundred  men 
under  Colonel  Peter  Gansevoort.  There,  if  anywhere 
in  those  northern  forests  by  the  Mohawk,  might  men 
who  fought  in  the  name  of  the  King  look  to  be  bidden 
Godspeed  and  given  efficient  aid  and  counsel  by  the 
settlers  of  the  country-side  through  which  they  moved. 
There  William  Johnson  (Sir  William  since  the  French 
war)  had  reigned  supreme  for  a  long  generation,  his 

100 


<i/c 


SAMUEL  ADAMS 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

energy,    subtlety,    quick   resource,    and    never   failing 
power  over  men  holding  the  restless  Iroquois  always 


BENJAMIN    LINCOLN 


to  their  loyalty  to  the  English,  the  English  always  to 
their  duty  to  the  crown.  Sir  William  had  been  dead 
these  three  years;  but  his  son,  Sir  John,  still  held  his 


VOL.   IV.— 8 


101 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

ancient  allies  to  their  fealty  and  stood  at  the  front  of 
those  who  would  not  accept  the  revolution  wrought 
at  Boston  and  Williamsburg  and  Philadelphia.  This 


SIR    WILLIAM    JOHNSON 


war  among  the  English  sadly  puzzled  the  red  warriors 
of  the  forest.  War  between  the  king  of  the  French 
and  the  king  of  the  English  they  understood;  it  was  a 
war  of  hostile  peoples;  but  this  war  of  the  English 


102 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 


against  their  chiefs?  "You  are  two  brothers,"  they 
said,  "of  one  blood/'  The  Mohawks  deemed  it  some 
subtile  treachery,  as  their  great  chief  did,  the  redoubt 
able  Joseph  Brant,  himself  trained  with  the  English 
boys  in  Mr.  Wheelock's  school  at  Lebanon  and  taught 
to  see  the  white 
man  close  at  hand ; 
and  the  Cayugas 
and  Senecas  fol 
lowed  them  in  their 
allegiance  to  the 
mighty  sachem 
who  "  lived  over  the 
great  lake,"  their 
friend  and  ally 
time  out  of  mind. 
The  Onondagas 
held  off,  neutral. 
The  Oneidas  and 
Tuscaroras,  among 
whom  Mr.  Kirk- 
land  was  mission 
ary,  aided  the  pa 
triots  when  they 
could,  because  he 
wished  it,  but 
would  not  take  the 
war-path.  There  were  white  loyalists,  too,  as  well  as 
red,  on  that  far  frontier.  Sir  John  Johnson  was  their 
leader.  Their  regiment  of  Royal  Greens,  together  with 
John  Butler's  Tory  rangers,  constituted  the  bulk  of 
St.  Leger's  motley  force  of  seventeen  hundred,  red  men 
and  white.  Scottish  highlanders,  stubborn  English- 

103 


SIR  JOHN  JOHNSON 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

men  hot  against  the  revolution,  and  restless  Irishmen, 
for  the  nonce  on  the  side  of  authority,  filled  their 
ranks. 


JOSEPH   BRANT 


But  even  there,  in  Sir  William  Johnson's  one-time 
kingdom,  enemies  of  King  and  Parliament  mustered 
stronger  yet,  and  showed  quicker  concert,  freer,  more 
instant  union  than  the  Tories.  There  were  Dutch 

104 


THE  WAR   FOR  INDEPENDENCE 


there,  and  Germans  and  Scots-Irish,  who  recked  nothing 
of  the  older  ties  that  had  bound  them  when  it  came  to 
the  question  whether  they  should  yield  in  their  own 
affairs  to  masters  over  sea.  Peter  Gansevoort  com 
manded  the  little  garrison  at  Stanwix;  Nicholas  Her- 
kimer  brought  eight 
hundred  men  to  his 
succor.  Brant  and 
Johnson  trapped  the 
stout  hearted  German 
in  a  deadly  ambush 
close  by  Oriskany  as 
he  came;  but  he  beat 
them  off.  While  that 
heroic  struggle  went 
forward  there  in  the 
close  ravine  the  hot 
morning  through  (Au 
gust  6,  1777),  Ganse 
voort  made  sally  and 
sacked  Sir  John's 
camp.  Herkimer  could 
come  no  further;  but 
there  came,  instead, 
rumors  that  Burgoyne 
was  foiled  and  taken 

and  the  whole  American  army  on  the  road  to  Stan 
wix.  It  was  only  Benedict  Arnold,  with  twelve  hun 
dred  Massachusetts  volunteers;  but  the  rumors  they 
industriously  sent  ahead  of  them  carried  the  panic 
they  had  planned,  and  when  they  came  there  was  no 
army  to  meet.  St.  Leger's  men  were  in  full  flight  to 
Oswego,  the  very  Indians  who  had  been  their  allies 


PETER  GANSEVOORT 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

harrying  them  as  they  went,  in  mere  wanton  savagery 
and  disaffection. 

Though  he  knew  now  that  St.  Leger  could  not  come, 
though  he  knew  nothing,  and  painfully  conjectured 
a  thousand  things,  of  Sir  William  Howe's  promised 
movement  below  upon  the  river,  Burgoyne  pushed 
forward  to  the  Hudson  and  crossed  it  (September  13, 
1777),  to  face  the  Americans  under  General  Gates  upon 
the  western  bank.  It  was  as  safe  to  go  forward  as  to 
turn  back.  Gates,  secure  within  his  intrenchments, 
would  not  strike;  and  he,  his  supplies  instantly  threat 
ened  behind  him,  could  not  wait.  On  the  igih  of  Sep 
tember  he  threw  four  thousand  men  forward  through 
the  forest  to  turn,  if  it  were  possible,  the  flank  of  Gen 
eral  Gates's  army  where  it  lay  so  still  upon  Bemis's 
Heights  by  Still  water.  But  Arnold  was  too  quick  for 
him.  With  three  thousand  men  Arnold  met  and  check 
ed  him,  moving  with  all  the  quick  audacity  and  impet 
uous  dash  of  which  he  had  given  Guy  Carleton  a  taste 
upon  Champlain  and  at  the  gates  of  Quebec,  Daniel 
Morgan  and  his  Virginian  riflemen  again  at  his  back 
as  they  had  been  at  far  Quebec.  His  stroke  having 
failed,  Burgoyne  lay  still  for  eighteen  tedious  days, 
waiting  once  more  for  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  now  at  last, 
he  knew,  actually  upon  the  river.  On  the  7th  of  Octo 
ber  he  struck  again.  Clinton  came  too  slowly.  Bur- 
goyne's  lines  of  communication  by  the  northern  lakes, 
long  threatened  by  General  Lincoln  and  his  Vermont- 
ers,  were  now  actually  cut  off,  and  it  was  possible  to 
calculate  just  how  few  days'  rations  remained  to  make 
his  campaign  upon.  He  tried  an  attack  with  picked 
men,  moving  quickly;  but  overwhelming  forces  met 
him,  and  the  inevitable  Arnold,  coming  upon  the  field 

1 06 


when  he  was  already  beaten,  turned  his  defeat  almost 
into  a  rout.  He  withdrew  hopelessly  towards  Saratoga. 
Every  crossing  of  the  river  he  found  heavily  guarded 
against  him.  No  succor  came  to  him,  or  could  come, 
it  seemed,  either  from  the  west  or  from  the  south;  he 
could  find  no  safe  way  out  of  the  wilderness;  without 
aid,  the  odds  were  too  great  against  him;  and  on  the 
lyth  of  October  he  capitulated.1 

General  Howe  had  moved  south  instead  of  north. 
He  fancied  that  it  would  bring  him  no  small  moral 
advantage  to  take  Philadelphia,  the  "capital"  of  the 
insurgent  confederacy;  and  he  calculated  that  it  ought 
to  be  easily  possible  to  do  so  before  Burgoyne  would 
need  him  in  the  north.  Early  in  June,  accordingly, 
he  attempted  to  cross  the  Jerseys;  but  Washington, 
striking  from  Morristown,  threatened  his  flank  in  a 
way  which  made  him  hesitate  and  draw  back.  He 
returned  to  New  York,  and  put  eighteen  thousand  men 
aboard  his  transports,  to  get  at  Philadelphia  by  water 
from  the  south.  It  was  the  25th  of  August,  and  Bur 
goyne  was  needing  him  sorely  in  the  northern  forests, 
before  he  had  got  ready  for  his  land  movement.  He 
had  gone  all  the  long  way  round  about  into  Chesapeake 
Bay,  and  had  made  his  landing  at  the  Head  of  Elk,  in 
Maryland.  Washington  met  him  behind  the  fords  of 
the  Brandy  wine  (September  nth),  but  could  not  with 
stand  him.  He  could  only  delay  him.  Defeat  no  longer 
meant  dismay  for  the  Americans ;  Washington  acted  in 
force  as  steadily  and  effectively  after  defeat  as  after  vic 
tory.  It  was  the  2yth  of  September  before  Sir  William 
entered  Philadelphia.  Hs  was  hardly  settled  there  be 
fore  Washington  attacked  him  again,  at  his  outpost 
at  Germantown,  in  the  thick  mist  of  the  morning  of 

i  See  page  304. 


THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 


SCENE  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  BRANDYWINE 

the  4th  of  October,  and  would  have  taken  the  place 
had  not  the  mist  confused  and  misled  his  own  troops. 
Meantime  Burgoyne  was  trapped  at  Saratoga.  On 
October  3d  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  begun  at  last  the 
movement  from  New  York  for  Burgoyne's  relief  which 
ought  to  have  been  begun  in  midsummer, — carrying 
northward  a  strong  fleet  upon  the  river  and  an  army 
of  three  thousand  men.  But  it  was  too  late.  Bur 
goyne's  surrender  was  already  inevitable.  The  net 
result  of  the  campaign  was  the  loss  of  the  northern 
army  and  the  occupation  of  Philadelphia.  "Philadel 
phia  has  taken  Howe/'  laughed  Dr.  Franklin,  in  Paris, 
when  they  told  him  that  Howe  had  taken  Philadelphia. 
The  long,  slow  year  had  been  full  of  signs  both  good 
and  bad.  International  forces  were  beginning  to  work 

in  favor  of  the  insurgent  colonies.     From  the  outset 

109 


A  HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

France  and  Spain  had  been  willing  to  give  them  aid 
against  England,  their  traditional  rival  and  enemy. 
Since  the  summer  of  1776  they  had  been  promised 
French  and  Spanish  assistance  through  Beaumarchais, 
acting  ostensibly  as  the  firm  of  "Roderigue  Hortalez 
et  Cie.,"  but  really  as  the  secret  agent  of  the  two  govern 
ments;  and  early  in  1777  the  fictitious  firm  had  begun 
actually  to  despatch  vessels  laden  with  arms  and  am 
munition  to  America.  Private  money  also  went  into 
the  venture,  but  governments  were  known  to  be  be 
hind  it;  and  on  January  5th,  1777,  Mr.  Franklin  had 
arrived  in  Paris  to  assist  in  bringing  France  into  still 
closer  touch  with  the  war  for  independence  over  sea. 
As  the  year  drew  towards  its  close  the  great  Frederick 
of  Prussia  had  forbidden  troops  hired  in  the  other  Ger 
man  states  to  cross  Prussian  territory  to  serve  the  Eng 
lish  in  America,  and  so  had  added  his  good-will  to  the 
French  and  Spanish  money.  French,  and  even  German 
and  Polish  officers,  too,  volunteered  for  service  in  the 
American  armies.  It  was  the  gallant  Polish  patriot 
Tadeusz  Kosciuszko  who  had  shown  General  Gates 
how  to  intrench  himself  upon  Bemis's  Heights. 

The  winter  was  deeply  disheartening,  nevertheless, 
for  Washington.  Having  failed  in  the  mist  at  Ger- 
mantown,  he  withdrew  his  army  to  Valley  Forge, 
whence  he  could  watch  Howe  at  Philadelphia,  and 
move  as  he  moved,  and  yet  himself  feel  safe  against 
attack;  but  utter  demoralization  had  fallen  upon  the 
Congress,  sitting  in  a  sort  of  exile  at  York,  and  his 
army  was  brought  to  such  straits  of  privation  and  suf 
fering  in  its  exposed  camp  as  he  had  never  been  obliged 
to  see  it  endure  before.  There  was  plenty  of  food  in 

the  country;  plenty  even  at  the  disposal  of  Congress 

no 


H  v     H  i  >     r  \  C  ']•:  L  L  K  N  C   V 

GEORGE  W  A  S  H  I N  G  T  O  X,  ESQL 

G  E  M  E  R  A  L  and  COM  M  A  N  D  K  R   in   Cl\\  H  F    of   ; '       . 
•    of  the  UNI;:!)   STATES   i       .V        :._.-,. 

*%  Virtue  of  the  Power  r.n(  on   to 

LJ*  cially  given,  I  hereby  enjoin  aiid  require  all  1  V:-\ -iv; 


refidiny;  witliin  ievent\-  Aides  oi  my  Head  Qi_j.ii'::.:Vs  u 
threfli  oni1  Half  of  their  Gr  \m  by  vhe  i  ft  Day  of  I'Vbni:r:y, 
and  the  other  Half  by  the  ill  Day  of  March  next  cnlbiii 
on  Pain,  .in  Cafe  of  Failure,  of  having  .all  that  (hall  re 
main  in  Sheaves  after  the  Period  above  mentioned,  feizcd 
by  the  Cominiilarics  and   Quarter-Mad ers  of  ti:i.'  ArnV'., 
and  paid  for  as  Straxv. 

G  I  V  K  N    under  my  Hnnd,  (if  Head  ^niulcrs^ 
the  I r alley  Forge ',    in  Philadelphia  Coa';;/y^     ff>i^  ic//; 
Day  of  December^   1777. 

G.     //'"^/  S  H  1  N  G 
By  His  Excellency's  Command, 
ROBERT  H.  HARRISON,  Sec'y. 


!..  A  N  C  A  -S  T  E  R;     PKisTto  ir    J  O  H  N     D   U  N   [,  A 


WASHINGTON'S  PROCLAMATION 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN    PEOPLE 

and  in  the  stores  of  its  commissariat.  The  British  had 
overrun  very  little  of  the  fertile  country;  the  crops  had 
been  abundant  and  laborers  had  not  been  lacking  to 
gather  them  in, — especially  there  in  thriving  Penn 
sylvania.  But  the  Congress  had  lost  all  vigor  alike 
in  counsel  and  in  action.  Men  of  initiative  had  with 
drawn  from  it  to  serve  their  states  in  the  reorganiza 
tion  of  their  several  governments  and  in  the  command 
of  forces  in  the  field.  Sometimes  scarcely  a  dozen 
members  could  be  got  together  to  take  part  in  its  de 
liberations.  It  yielded  to  intrigue, — even  to  intrigue 
against  Washington;  allowed  its  executive  committees, 
and  most  of  all  the  commissary  department,  upon  which 
the  army  depended,  to  fall  into  disorganization;  list 
ened  to  censures  and  bickerings  rather  than  to  plans 
of  action;  lost  the  respect  of  the  states,  upon  which 
its  authority  depended;  and  left  the  army  almost  to 
shift  for  itself  for  sustenance.  Fortunately  it  was  a 
mild  winter.  Fortunately  Washington  was  masterful 
and  indomitable,  and  proved  equal  to  checkmating 
at  a  single  move  those  who  intrigued  in  the  Congress 
to  displace  him.  Despite  every  bitter  experience  of 
that  dark  and  anxious  season,  he  had  when  spring 
came  an  army  stronger  and  fitter  for  service  than  it 
had  been  when  he  took  it  into  winter  quarters.  The 
lengthened  term  of  service  had  given  him  at  last  an 
army  which  might  be  drilled,  and  foreign  officers, — 
notably  the  capable  Steuben, — had  taught  him  how 
to  drill  it. 

General  Howe's  winter  passed  easily  and  merrily 
enough  in  Philadelphia.  Tne  place  was  full  of  people 
of  means  and  influence  who  hoped  as  heartily  as  Mr. 
Galloway  did  for  the  success  of  the  British  arms.  Some 

112 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

of  the  leading  Quakers  of  the  town,  whose  influence 
was  all  for  an  accommodation  of  the  quarrel  with  the 
mother  country,  had  been  arrested  the  previous  sum- 


BARON    DE 
STEUBEN 


mer  (1777)  and  sent  south  by  the  patriot  leaders;  but 
many  more  were  left  who  were  of  their  mind,  and  Gen 
eral  Howe  met  something  like  a  welcome  when  he  came 
in  the  autumn.  The  fashionable  young  women  of 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

the  town  were  delighted  to  look  their  best  and  to  use 
their  charms  to  the  utmost  at  all  the  balls  and  social 
gatherings  that  marked  the  gay  winter  of  his  stay, 
and  their  parents  were  not  displeased  to  see  them  shine 
there.  But  for  the  soldiers'  coats  one  would  have 
thought  that  peace  had  come  again. 

But  the  minds  of  the  ministers  in  England  were  not 
so  much  at  ease.  In  February,  I77&,  Lord  North  in 
troduced  and  pressed  through  Parliament  conciliatory 
measures  of  the  most  radical  sort,  practically  retrac 
ing  every  misjudged  step  taken  with  regard  to  the  col 
onies  since  1763;  and  commissioners  of  peace  were 
sent  to  America  with  almost  plenipotentiary  powers 
of  accommodation.  But  that  very  month  a  formal 
treaty  of  alliance  was  signed  between  France  and  the 
United  States;  by  the  time  the  peace  commissioners 
reached  Philadelphia,  England  had  a  war  with  France 
on  her  hands  as  well  as  a  war  with  the  colonies;  there 
was  no  rejoicing  in  the  camp  at  Valley  Forge  over  the 
news  of  Lord  North's  unexpected  turn  of  purpose,  but 
there  was  very  keen  rejoicing  when  news  of  the  French 
alliance  came.1  The  Congress  would  not  treat  with 
the  commissioners.  Conciliation  had  come  too  late; 
for  the  colonies  the  aspect  of  the  war  was  too  hopeful. 

When  the  commissioners  reached  Philadelphia  they 
found  General  Clinton  about  to  abandon  it.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  had  succeeded  General  Howe  in  chief  com 
mand  in  May.  His  orders  were  to  evacuate  Phila 
delphia  and  concentrate  his  forces  once  more  at  New 
York.  The  town  was  as  full  of  excitement  and  dis 
may  at  the  prospect  as  it  had  been  but  a  little  more 
than  a  year  ago  at  news  of  the  British  approach.  When 
the  army  began  to  move,  three  thousand  loyalists 

•  See  page  311. 


On  Monday, 

The  SIXTEEHTH  Inftant.  *&fru*y  t//e> 

At  the  Theatre  in  Southwark, 

For  the  Benefit  of  a  PUBLIC  CHARITY, 

Willbe  reprefentedaComedy 

CALLED     THE 

Conftant  Couple, 

TO    WHICH    WILL    BE    ADDED, 

DUKE  AND  NO  DUKE. 

The  CHARACTERS  by  the  OFFICERS  of  the  ARMY 
and  NAVY. 

TICKETS  to  be  had  at  the  Printer's:  at  the  Coffee-houfe  in  Market- 

ftreet:  and  at  the  Pennfi  Ivania  Farmer,  near  the  New-Market,  and 

no  where  elfe. 

BOXES  and  PIT.  ONE  DOLLAR. — GALLERY,  HALT  A  DOLLAR. 

Doors  to  open  at  Five  o'Clock,.  and  begin  precifely  at  Seven. 

No  Money  will,  on  any  Account,  be  taken  at  the  Door. 

Gentlemen  are  earneftly  requefted  not  to  attempt  to  bribe  the 
Door-keepers. 

.  N.  B.  Places  for  the  Boxes  to  be  taken  at  the  Office  of  the 
Theatre  in  Front-ftreet,  between  the  Hours  of  Nine  and  Two  o'clock: 
After  which  Time,  the  Box-keeper  will  not  attend.  Ladies  or  Gen 
tlemen,  who  would  have  Places  kept  for  them,  are  defired  to  fend 
their  Servants -to  the  Theatre  at  Four  o'clock,  otherwife  their  Places 
will  be  given  up. 


PHILADELPHIA.    POINTED  ar     J_AM£S     HUMPHREYS,    Ju»«. 
FACSIMILE  OF  PLAY   BILL 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

abandoned  the  town  with  it,  going  with  the  stores  by 
sea,  while  Sir  Henry  took  his  fifteen  thousand  men 
overland  through  the  Jerseys  again. 

When  he  moved,  Washington  moved  also;  outstrip 
ped  him;  caught  him  at  a  disadvantage  at  Monmouth 
Court  House  (June  28,  1778);  and  would  inevitably 
have  beaten  him  most  seriously  had  not  Charles  Lee 
again  disobeyed  him  and  spoiled  the  decisive  move 
ment  of  the  day, — Charles  Lee,  the  soldier  of  fortune 
whom  the  Americans  had  honored  and  trusted.  He 
had  disobeyed  before,  when  Washington  was  retreat 
ing  hard  pressed  from  New  York.  This  time  he  seemed 
to  play  the  coward.  It  was  not  known  until  afterwards 
that  he  had  played  the  traitor,  too.  Clinton  got  off, 
but  in  a  sort  of  rout,  leaving  his  wounded  behind  him. 
"Clinton  gained  no  advantage  except  to  reach  New 
York  with  the  wreck  of  his  army,"  was  the  watchful 
Frederick's  comment  over  sea.  "America  is  probably 
lost  for  England." 

Even  the  seas  were  no  longer  free  for  the  movements 
of  the  British  fleets,  now  that  France  was  America's 
ally  and  French  fleets  were  gathering  under  orders 
for  the  American  coast.  Every  month  the  war  had 
lasted  the  English  had  found  their  commerce  and  their 
movement  of  stores  and  transports  more  and  more 
embarrassed  by  the  American  privateer smen.  There 
were  bold  and  experienced  seamen  at  every  port  of  the 
long  coast.  The  little  vessels  which  were  so  easily 
set  up  and  finished  by  skilful  carpenters  and  riggers 
in  almost  any  quiet  inlet  were  sure  to  be  fast  and  deftly 
handled  when  they  got  to  sea;  kept  clear  of  his  Maj 
esty's  fleets  and  of  too  closely  guarded  harbors ;  cruised 
whithersoever  the  wits  of  their  sagacious  masters  took 

116 


THE   WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

them;  and  had  generally  to  be  heavily  overmatched 
to  be  beaten.  They  had  taken  more  than  five  hundred 
British  soldiers  from  the  transports  before  the  Con- 


CHARLES   LEE 


gress  at  Philadelphia  had  uttered  its  Declaration  of 
Independence.  Their  prizes  numbered  more  than  four 
hundred  and  fifty  the  year  of  Saratoga  and  Brandy- 


VOL.    IV. — 9 


117 


A  HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN    PEOPLE 

wine  and  the  fight  in  the  morning's  mist  at  German- 
town,  though  there  were  seventy  ships  of  war  upon 
the  coast.  The  very  coasts  of  England  herself  were 
not  safe  against  them.  Mr.  Franklin  went  to  France 
in  the  autumn  of  1776  with  his  pocket  full  of  blank 
letters  of  marque,  and  American  privateersmen  from 
out  the  French  ports  caught  prizes  enough  in  English 
waters  to  keep  the  commissioners  in  Paris  well  found 
in  money  for  their  plans.  In  January,  1778,  Captain 
Rathburne,  in  the  Providence,  actually  seized  the  fort 
in  the  harbor  of  Nassau  in  New  Providence  of  the  Ba 
hamas,  and  took  possession  of  town  and  shipping; 
and  in  the  spring  of  that  same  year  John  Paul  Jones 
performed  the  same  daring  feat  at  Whitehaven  by 
Solway  Firth  in  England  itself. 

These  privateersmen,  it  turned  out,  were  more  to  be 
feared  for  the  present  than  the  fleets  of  France.  The 
Count  d'Estaing  was,  indeed,  despatched  to  America 
with  twelve  ships  of  the  line  and  six  frigates,  with  four 
thousand  troops  aboard;  and  his  fleet  appeared  off 
Sandy  Hook  in  midsummer,  1778,  while  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  was  still  fresh  from  his  fright  at  Monmouth. 
But  the  too  cautious  admiral  came  and  went,  and  that 
was  all.  He  would  not  attempt  an  attack  upon  the 
English  fleet  within  the  bay  at  New  York,  though  it 
was  of  scarcely  half  his  strength.  His  pilots  told  him 
his  larger  ships  could  not  cross  the  bar.  Newport 
was  the  only  other  harbor  the  English  held;  and  there 
he  allowed  Lord  Howe  to  draw  him  off.  A  storm  sep 
arated  the  fleets  before  they  could  come  to  terms,  and 
his  cruise  ended  peaceably  in  Boston  harbor.  But  it 
was  a  heavy  thing  for  England  to  have  French  fleets 
to  reckon  with,  and  embarrassments  thickened  very 

118 


THE   WAR    FOR    INDEPENDENCE 

ominously  about  her.     She  had  absolutely  no  hold  on 
America,  it  seemed,  outside  the  lines  actually  occupied 

IN     CONGRESS, 

WEDNESDAY,    AfRit.?.    1776. 

INSTRUCTIONS  mix  COMMANDED  if  Prhalc  Sliift  a-  Vrfilt  if  War, 
ubittjball  to-.-!  Ccmnijiial  tr  Lttltri  of  Marqat  tad  Rtfrifal.  aul^nfu^  tkm  la  matt 
Caftan,  af  Brilifi  Pr/tlt  and  Cargoti. 

I. 

YO  U  miy,  by  Force  of  Arms,  attick,  luMue,  anJ  tike  all  Ship,  jn J  other  Velkli  belon;in;  n>  the 
Inhibition  of  Cieal-Biitain,  00  Ihe  Hi;h  Sri,,  or  b;l»eei,  h.:h'«]tcr  and  low-water  Mark,.  et(ipt 
Shipi  and  Veflt'i  bringing  Pcrlunj  who  intend  lo  fettle  inj  rcfije  in  the  United  Colonic,,  ot  bnn;m* 
Arm,,  Ammunition  o,  Watlike  Store,  to  the  laid  Colonies,  for  the  Ufe  of  fuch  [nhib-iant,  thereof  a,  ate  Fiiendi 

a>Ic  Search,  and  giving  filiifac}ory  Information  of  the  Content!  of  the  Lading},  and  Dcfliniuons  of  the  Voyage*. 

II. 

Youmiy,  bx  Force  of  Arm,,  attack,  fubdue,  anj  take  ill  Ships  InJoiber  Vefftl,  wkllloevorcjrr,,n»  Soldier,, 
Arms,  Gun. powder,  Ammunition,  Proviiion,.  or  any  other  contraband  Good!,  U  any  of  the  Briii  Atmiei 
or  Ship  of  War  employed  ;ennll  Uiefe  CoJomci . 

ni. 

Yom  Ihill  biing  TiKh  Ship,  and  Venels  11  rou  dull  take,  with  tkeir  Gum.  Rijgin;,  Tackle-,  Appirel.  Fur. 
nit. ire  and  Ladings  to  feme  convenient  Port  or  Port,  of  the  United  Colonie,,  that  Proceedings  may  thereupon 
be  hid  in  due  Foim  befotethe  Conn,  which  are  of  (ball  .be  there  appointed  lo  heal  and  determine  Caufei  et.il  a«4 

IV. 

You  01  one  of  yoirr  Chief  O£cert  dull  tiring  oe  fend  the  Mafter  and  Pilot  an J  one  or  more  ptincipil  Pettoe) 
ex  Perfon,  of  the  Compaujr  of  every  Ship  or  Vvuel  by  you  taken,  a,  fjon  aftet  the  Capture  a,  may  be,  to  the 
Judge  or  Judge,  of  feck  Court  uafurefod,  to  be  examined  upon  Oath,  inj  niVe  Anf*er  tothe  Irtterrogatonei 
^*hith  miy  be  propouaded  touching  the  IntercS  ot  Pro,jerlyof  tbeShipor  Veflel-jnd  her  La-inj  ;  and  at  the  fame 
Time  >ou  (hall  ielirer  or  caufe  lo  be  covered  to  the  Judge  oe  Juries, ill  PalT.-,,  Sea-Brief,.  CtUrter-Partief. 
Bill,  of  Lading,  Coeken,  Letter,,  and  othet  Document,  and  Wiiimg,  fnund  on  Board,  pru.in;  the  faiJPapen 
bv  thc-Afadlvitof  yourftlf,  or eVfome  other  PetfonpiefenlattheCaptute,  lo  be  produced  as  they  were  received, 
without  Ftaud.  Additioa,  Suhduclion,  orEmbcZElcmett, 

V. 

You  thill  keep  and  preferre  every  Ship  or  Vellel  and  Cargo  or  rou  taken,  uatil  they  Gull  by  Sentence  of  * 
Court  propeily  authotifed  be.adju<5gcd  lawful  Prize,  not  felling,  footing,  walling,  of  diminilhin^  the  fame  or 
breaking  the  Bulk  thereof,  DOT  fufferioj  any,  fuch  Thing  to  be  done. 

VI. 

If  rou,  or  any  of  roue  Otken  oe  Crew  bill,  in  cold  Blood,  kill  oe  maim,  or,  by  Torture  ot  otnerwttei) 
cruelly,  inhumanly,  and  contrarr  letcommon  Ufage  and  the  Prafliee  of  civil  iied  Nation,  in  War,  treat  any  Per.' 
ton  or  Perfoiu  fulpriied  in  the  Ship  o>  VelTel  you  Hull  take,  the  OtTendet  (ball  be  fcmely  punched. 

WI. 

You  bin;  by  all  convenient  Opportuniuei;  fend  to-Conrjrtfi  rmlten  Acconnt,  of  the  Clptures  you  ftJl 
Bake,  with  the  Number  and  Name,  of  the  Capnrn,'Cop«,  of  your  Journal  from  Time  to  Time,  and  Intelli- 
gence  of  whit  tniy  occur  ot  be  dircoyeredcoticerning  the  Defign,  of  the  Enemy,  aad-the  Deftinatton^  Motion^ 
and  Opeiatiotu  of  tbeu  Fleet,  awl  Ateoiei. 

VIM. 

On  Third,  at  the  leaf,  of  you  whole  Coenpiny  Hull  be  Land-Men. 

IX. 

You  Hall  not  iar.lc.me  any  Prifsner,  or  Ciptim,  but  (hill  difpofe  of  them  in  fuch  Maneet  it  the  Con|rtft, 
«t  i/  that  be  not  Cilinr.  in  the  Colony  whither  they  Hull  be  brought,  ai  the  General  Afieablr.  Convention,  oe 
Council  01  Committee  of  Si/cry  of  fuch  Colony  Dull  diiea. 

X. 

n  the  Pietnilei,  when  yen  Hull 

If  you  {ball  do  any  Thing  contrary  to  tneTe  laftrnciioiu,  or  to  others  hereafter  to  be  given,  or  willingly  funer* 
f«h  Tb^n.  to  be  done,  foil  Hull  noe  only  forfeit  four  CoenmiOm,  and  be  liable  to  an  ASion  for  Breach  of  Ac 
afcTrowBond,  butbcreffooubl:  Dthe  Party  goered  for  Oamagea  fulbuKd  bjfuch  Mal-vci[alic«. 


PR!  S  ID  E  NT. 


REDUCED   FACSIMILE   OF   INSTRUCTIONS  FROM 
CONGRESS   TO    PRIVATEERS 

by  her  armies  at  Newport  and  New  York;  the  very 
sea  was  beset,  for  her  merchantmen;  and  France  was 
now  kindled  into  war  against  her. 

no 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 


And  yet  the  Americans,  too,  were  beset.  They  had 
not  only  their  long  coasts  to  watch  and  British  armies 
to  thwart  and  checkmate,  but  their  western  borders  also 

to  keep,  against  Tory  and 
savage.  The  Iroquois  coun 
try,  in  particular,  and  all 
the  long  valleys  of  the  Mo 
hawk,  the  Unadilla,  and  the 
Susquehanna,  were  rilled 
with  the  terrors  of  raid  and 
massacre  throughout  that 
disappointing  and  anxious 
summer  of  1778.  The  stub 
born  loyalists  of  the  forest 
country,  with  their  temper 
still  of  the  untamed  high 
lands  of  old  Scotland  or  of 
the  intractable  country-sides 
of  old  England,  had  been 
driven  into  exile  by  the  un 
compromising  patriots,  their 
neighbors,  who  outnumbered 
them.  But  they  had  not 
gone  far.  They  had  made 
their  headquarters,  the  more 
dogged  and  determined  of 
them,  at  Niagara,  until  this 
score  should  be  settled.  Sir 
John  Johnson  was  still 

their  leader,  for  all  he  had  been  so  discomfited  before 
Fort  Stanwix;  and  John  Butler  and  Walter  Butler, 
father  and  son,  men  touched  with  the  savagery  of  the 
redmen,  their  allies.  Joseph  Brant,  that  masterful 

1 20 


CONTINENTAL   LOTTERY    BOOK 


THE  WAR   FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

spirit  who  was  a  sort  of  self-appointed  king  among 
the  savage  Mohawks,  did  not  often  willingly  forget 
the  precepts  of  that  Christian  creed  to  which  good  Mr. 
Wheelock  had  drawn  him  in  his  boyhood,  and  held 
the  redmen  back  when  he  could  from  every  wanton 
deed  of  blood;  but  the  Butlers  stopped  at  nothing,  and 
white  men  and  red  made  common  cause  against  the 
border  settlements.  Their  cruel  strokes  were  dealt 
both  far  and  near.  Upon  a  day  in  July,  1778,  never 
to  be  forgotten,  twelve  hundred  men  fell  upon  the  far 
away  Wyoming  Valley  upon  the  Susquehanna  and 
harried  it  from  end  to  end  until  it  was  black  and  deso 
late.  In  November  a  like  terrible  fate  fell  upon  peace 
ful  Cherry  Valley,  close  at  hand.  There  could  be  no 
peace  or  quarter  until  the  hands  of  these  men  were 
stayed-. 

But,  though  very  slowly,  the  end  came.  The  men 
who  mustered  in  the  patriotic  ranks  knew  the  forest 
and  were  masters  of  its  warfare.  They  had  only  to 
turn  to  it  in  earnest  to  prevail.  There  were  men  upon 
the  border,  too.  \vho  needed  but  a  little  aid  and  coun 
tenance  to  work  the  work  of  pioneer  statesmen  on  the 
western  rivers.  Most  conspicuous  among  these  was 
George  Rogers  Clark,  the  young  Saxon  giant  who,  in 
1777,  left  his  tasks  as  pioneer  and  surveyor  on  the  lands 
which  lay  upon  the  south  of  the  great  river  Ohio  in 
far  Kentucky,  Virginia's  huge  western  county,  and 
made  his  way  back  to  the  tide-water  country  to  propose 
to  Mr.  Henry,  now  governor  of  the  revolutionized  com 
monwealth,  an  expedition  for  the  conquest  of  the 
"Illinois  country"  which  lay  to  the  north  of  the  river. 
He  was  but  five-and-twenty,  but  he  had  got  his  stal 
wart  stature  where  men  came  quickly  into  their  powers, 

121 


REDUCED  FACSIMILE  OF  THE  FIRST  AND  LAST  PARTS  OF  PATRICK 
HENRY'S  LETTER  OF  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  GEORGE  ROGERS  CLARK 


THE  WAR   FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

deep  in  the  forests,  where  he  had  learned  woodcraft 
and  had  already  shown  his  mettle  among  men.  Mr. 
Henry  and  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Wythe  and  Mr. 


GEORGE  ROGERS  CLARK 


Madison,  whom  he  consulted,  approved  his  purpose 
very  heartily.  It  was  a  thing  which  must  be  prepared 
for  very  quietly,  and  pushed,  when  once  begun,  with 

secrecy  and  quick  despatch;  but  the  mustering  of  men 

123 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

and  the  gathering  of  munitions  and  supplies  were  in 
cidents  which  made  no  stir  in  those  days  of  familiar 
war.  Clark  could  bring  together  what  force  he  pleased 
at  Pittsburgh,  and  excite  only  the  expectation  that  a 
new  band  of  armed  men  were  about  to  set  out  for  the 
frontiers  of  Kentucky.  In  May,  1778,  he  was  ready. 
He  took  but  one  hundred  and  eighty  picked  riflemen,  a 
modest  flotilla  of  small  boats,  and  a  few  light  pieces 
of  artillery,  but  they  sufficed.  Before  the  summer 
was  out  he  had  gained  easy  mastery  of  the  little  settle 
ments  which  lay  to  the  northward  upon  the  Mississippi 
and  within  the  nearer  valley  of  the  Wabash.  He  had 
an  infinitely  pleasing  way  of  winning  the  friendship 
of  men  upon  any  border,  and  the  Frenchmen  of  the 
settlements  of  the  Illinois  country  relished  the  change 
he  promised  them,  liked  well  enough  the  prospect  of  be 
ing  quit  of  the  English  power.  There  were  few  Eng 
lishmen  to  deal  with. 

When  winter  came  Colonel  Hamilton,  the  British 
commander  at  Detroit,  came  south  into  the  forest  with 
a  motley  force  of  five  hundred  men,  mixed  of  regulars, 
Tories,  and  Indians,  such  as  St.  Leger  had  taken  against 
Stanwix,  and  occupied  Vincennes  again,  upon  the 
Wabash ;  but  Clark  struck  once  more,  sending  his  boats 
up  the  river  and  bringing  his  picked  force  straight  across 
the  frozen  forests  from  Kaskaskia  by  the  Mississippi; 
and  by  the  end  of  February,  1779,  Colonel  Hamilton 
and  all  his  levy  were  his  prisoners.1  The  Illinois  coun 
try  was  added  to  Virginia,  and  the  grant  of  her  ancient 
charter,  "up  into  the  land,  west  and  northwest/'  seem 
ed  made  good  again  by  the  daring  of  her  frontiersmen. 
He  could  have  taken  Detroit  itself,  Clark  declared, 
with  but  a  few  hundred  men.  While  he  cleared  the 

i  See  page  321.  I  2  J. 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

northern  rivers  of  the  British  arms  a  force  like  his  own 
descended  the  Mississippi,  seized  Natchez,  and  cleared 
the  southern  reaches  of  the  great  stream. 
That  winter  had  witnessed  a  sharp  shifting  of  the 


GEORGE   CLARK  S    FINAL   SUMMONS   TO   COLONEL  HAMILTON  TO  SURRENDER 

scene  ,of  the  war  in  the  east.  The  British  command 
ers  there  had  turned  away  from  General  Washington 
and  the  too  closely  guarded  reaches  of  the  Hudson  to 
try  for  better  fortune  in  the  far  south.  In  December, 
1778,  Clinton  sent  thirty-five  hundred  men  from  New 

125 


A    HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

York  to  the  southern  coasts  by  sea,  and  on  the  29th 
Savannah  was  taken,  with  comparative  ease,  there 
being  but  a  scant  six  hundred  to  defend  it.  The  town 
once  taken,  it  proved  an  easy  matter,  at  that  great 
remove  from  the  centre  of  the  American  strength,  to 
overrun  the  country  back  of  it  during  the  early  weeks 
of  1779.  But  after  that  came  delay  again,  and  inac 
tion,  as  of  those  who  wait  and  doubt  what  next  to  do. 
The  new  year  saw  nothing  else  decisive  done  on  either 
side.  In  April  Spain  made  common  cause  with  France 
against  England;  but  Washington  waited  in  vain 
the  year  through  to  see  the  fighting  transferred  to 
America.  A  few  strategic  movements  about  New 
York,  where  Clinton  lay;  a  few  raids  by  the  British; 
a  few  sharp  encounters  that  were  not  battles,  and  the 
year  was  over.  The  British  made  sallies  here  and 
there,  to  pillage  and  burn,  to  keep  the  country  in  awe 
and  bring  off  whatever  they  could  lay  hands  upon, 
striking  sometimes  along  the  coast  as  far  as  Connec 
ticut  and  even  the  Chesapeake  at  the  south;  but  armed 
bands  were  quick  to  muster  to  oppose  and  harass  them 
wherever  they  went,  and  it  was  never  safe  for  them  to 
linger.  Clinton  thrust  his  lines  out  upon  the  river 
and  fortified  Stony  Point ;  but  Anthony  Wayne  stormed 
the  place  of  a  sudden,  with  twelve  hundred  men,  and 
took  it,  with  unshotted  guns  at  the  point  of  the  bayo 
net  before  dawn  on  the  morning  of  the  I5th  of  July, 
and  brought  more  than  five  hundred  prisoners  away 
with  him,  having  come  with  that  quick  fury  of  reck 
less  attack  which  made  men  call  him  Mad  Anthony, 
and  having  as  quickly  withdrawn  again.  Harry  Lee 
stormed  Paulus  Hook  in  like  fashion,  and  the  British 
were  nowhere  very  easy  within  their  lines.  But,  for 

126 


THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

the  rest,  there  was  little  to  break  the  monotony  of  wait 
ing  for  news  of  the  war  at  England's  door,  where  the 
fleets  of  the  allies  threatened  her.  Privateersmen  were 


CHARLES  JAMES  FOX 


as  busy  as  ever,  and  as  much  to  be  feared,  almost,  as 
the  French  cruisers  themselves;  but  the  formal  oper 
ations  of  the  war  seemed  vaguely  postponed.  With 
out  the  co-operation  of  a  naval  force  it  was  impossible 

127 


A   HISTORY   OF   THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

for  Washington  to  do  anything  against  Sir  Henry 
at  New  York. 

While  he  waited,  therefore,  he  despatched  General 
Sullivan  with  five  thousand  men  into  the  forest  coun 
try  of  the  Mohawk  and  the  Susquehanna  to  make  an 
end  of  the  cruel  mischief  wrought  upon  defenceless 
homes  by  the  bitter  Tories  and  their  red  allies.  The 
little  army,  sent  forward  in  divisions,  swept  through 
the  country  it  was  bidden  clear  like  men  who  searched 
stream  and  valley  upon  a  journey  of  discovery;  con 
verged  to  meet  their  hunted  foes,  but  fifteen  hundred 
strong,  where  they  lay  at  bay  within  a  bend  of  the 
Chemung, — the  full  rally  of  the  forest  country,  British 
regulars,  Tory  rangers,  Indian  braves,  Johnson,  the 
Butlers,  Joseph  Brant,  every  leader  they  acknowl 
edged,  united  to  direct  them, — and  overwhelmed  them; 
ravaged  the  seats  of  Seneca  and  Cayuga  far  and  near, 
till  neither  village  nor  any  growing  thing  that  they 
could  find  upon  which  men  could  subsist  was  left  this 
side  the  Genesee;  stopped  short  only  of  the  final  thing 
they  had  been  bidden  attempt,  the  capture  of  the  strong 
hold  at  Niagara  itself. 

That  was  a  summer's  reckoning  which  redmen  far 
and  near  were  not  likely  to  forget.  In  April  a  little 
army  of  frontiersmen  under  Colonel  Evan  Shelby, 
that  stout  pioneer  out  of  Maryland  who  brought  hot 
Welsh  blood  to  the  task,  swept  suddenly  along  the 
nortrrward  reaches  of  the  Tennessee  and  harried  the 
country  of  the  Chickamaugas,  among  whom  Tories 
and  British  alike  had  been  stirring  war.  In  August, 
Colonel  Brodhead,  ordered  to  co-operate  with  General 
Sullivan,  had  taken  six  hundred  men  from  his  post 
at  Fort  Pitt,  whence  Clark  had  make  his  exit  into  the 

128 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

west,  and  had  destroyed  the  Indian  settlements  by  the 
Alleghany  and  upon  French  Creek,  the  old  routes  of 
the  French  from  the  lakes  to  the  Ohio.  Such  work 
was  never  finished.  The  Indians  were  for  a  little  dis 
lodged,  disconcerted,  and  put  to  sad  straits  to  live; 


CASIMIR    PULASKI 


but  they  were  not  conquered.  The  terror  bred  a  deeper 
thirst  for  vengeance  among  them,  and  a  short  respite 
of  peace  was  sure  to  be  followed  when  a  new  year  came 
in  with  fresh  flashes  of  war  on  the  border,  as  lurid 
and  ominous  as  ever.  The  danger  was  lessened,  never 
theless.  The  final  conquest  of  the  Indian  country 
was  at  least  begun.  The  backwoodsmen  were  with- 


THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

in  sight  of  ultimate  mastery  when  once  peace  should 
bring  settlers  crowding  westward  again. 

The  fighting  at  sea  that  memorable  year  of  doubt 
was  of  a  like  import, — full  of  daring  and  stubborn  cour 
age,  planned  and  carried  through  with  singular  initia 
tive  and  genius,  quick  with  adventure,  bright  with 
every  individual  achievement,  but  of  necessity  with 
out  permanent  consequence.  Late  in  July,  I779,1 
Captain  Paul  Jones  had  sailed  from  a  port  of  France 
in  command  of  a  little  squadron,  half  American,  half 
French,  with  which  the  energy  of  Mr.  Franklin  had 
supplied  him.  His  flagship,  the  Bon  Hommc  Richard, 
was  a  worn-out  French  East  Indiaman,  fitted  with  forty 
guns,  many  of  which  were  unserviceable;  his  French 
consorts  were  light  craft,  lightly  armed;  only  one  ship 
of  the  squadron  was  fully  fit  for  the  adventures  he 
promised  himself,  having  come  fresh  from  the  stocks 
in  America,  and  she  was  intrusted  to  the  command 
of  a  French  captain  who  obeyed  orders  or  not,  as  he 
pleased.  But  Jones  was  a  man  to  work  with  what 
he  had,  and  made  even  that  improvised  fleet  suffice. 
With  it  he  cruised  the  whole  length  of  the  western  coast 
of  Ireland  and  circled  Scotland.  Off  Flamborough 
Head  he  fell  in  with  the  Serapis,  44,  and  the  Countess 
of  Scarborough,  20,  the  convoy  of  a  fleet  of  merchant 
men,  and  himself  took  the  larger  ship  almost  unas 
sisted  in  a  desperate  fight  after  sunset,  in  the  first 
watch  of  the  night  of  the  23d  of  September.  Neither 
ship  survived  the  encounter  forty-eight  hours,  so  com 
pletely  had  they  shot  each  other  to  pieces,  and  no 
man  who  followed  the  sea  was  likely  to  forget  what  he 
heard  of  that  close  grapple  in  the  gathering  night  in 
the  North  Sea.  "If  I  fall  in  with  him  again,  I  will 

i  See  page  334-  I  $  I 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

make  a  lord  of  him,"  Jones  exclaimed,  when  he  heard 
that  the  King  had  knighted  Captain  Pearson,  of  the 
Serapis,  for  the  gallant  fight. 


JOHN   PAUL   JONES 


For  a  little,  in  the  autumn,  it  looked  as  if  the  naval 
aid  for  which  General  Washington  waited  had  come 
at  last.  The  Count  d'Estaing  was  in  the  West  Indies 
with  a  strong  fleet,  from  an  encounter  with  which  the 

English  commander  in  those  waters  had  drawn  off  to 

132 


THE  FIGHT  BETWEEN  BON   HOMME  RICHARD   AND   SERAPIS 
VOL.  IV — to 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

port  again  to  refit.  The  count  was  willing,  while  his 
hands  were  free,  to  co-operate  in  an  attack  upon  the 
southern  coast  at  Savannah.  A  portion  of  Washing 
ton's  army  was  sent  south  to  join  General  Lincoln  in 
South  Carolina  for  the  attempt.  Count  d'Estaing 
put  six  thousand  troops  aboard  his  fleet,  and  by  the 
i6th  of  September  was  within  the  harbor.  But  he  did 
not  strike  quickly  or  boldly  enough,  took  the  slow  way 
of  siege  to  reduce  the  place,  suffered  the  English  com 
mander  to  make  good  both  the  rally  of  his  scattered 
force  and  the  fortification  of  his  position,  and  had  done 
nothing  when  it  was  high  time  for  him  to  be  back  in 
the  Indies  to  guard  the  possessions  of  his  own  king 
against  the  English.  A  last  assault  (October  9th) 
failed  and  he  withdrew. 

The  next  year  a  like  disappointment  was  added.  In 
midsummer  a  French  fleet  arrived  upon  the  northern 
coast,  but  it  proved  impossible  to  use  it.  On  the  loth  of 
July  a  French  squadron  put  in  at  Newport  and  landed  a 
force  of  six  thousand  men  under  the  Comte  de  Roc  ham- 
beau;  but  a  powerful  British  fleet  presently  blockaded 
the  port,  and  Rochambeau  could  not  prudently  with 
draw  while  the  fleet  was  threatened.  He  had  been 
ordered  to  put  himself  at  General  Washington's  dis 
posal;  but  he  could  not  do  so  till  the  blockade  was 
raised.  Meanwhile  not  only  Georgia  but  the  entire 
South  seemed  lost  and  given  over  to  British  control. 
In  the  spring,  Clinton  had  concentrated  all  his  forces 
once  more  at  New  York;  and  then,  leaving  that  all- 
important  place  strong  enough  to  keep  Washington 
where  he  was,  he  had  himself  taken  eight  thousand 
men  by  sea  to  Charleston.  Two  thousand  more  troops, 
already  in  the  South,  joined  him  there,  and  by  the 


WASHINGTON  AND  ROCHAMBEAU  IN  THE  TRENCHES  AT  YORKTOWN 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

1 2th  of  May  (1780)  he  had  taken  not  only  the  place 
itself,  but  General  Lincoln  and  three  thousand  men 
besides.  South  Carolina  teemed  with  loyalists.  Parti 
san  bands,  some  serving  one  side,  some  the  other,  swept 
and  harried  the  region  from  end  to  end.  Wherever  the 
British  moved  in  force,  they  moved  as  they  pleased, 
and  were  masters  of  the  country.  In  June  General 
Clinton  deemed  it  already  safe  to  take  half  his  force 
back  to  New  York,  and  Cornwallis  was  left  to  complete 
the  work  of  subjugation. 

That  same  month  the  Congress  conferred  the  chief 
command  in  the  South  upon  General  Horatio  Gates, 
who  had  been  in  command  of  the  army  to  which  Bur- 
goyne  had  surrendered  at  Saratoga, — the  army  which 
Schuyler  had  made  ready  and  which  Morgan  and  Arnold 
had  victoriously  handled.  Intriguers  had  sought,  while 
Washington  lay  at  Valley  Forge,  to  substitute  Gates 
for  the  commander-in-chief ;  now  he  was  to  show  how 
happy  a  circumstance  it  was  that  that  selfish  intrigue 
had  failed.  He  met  Cornwallis  at  Camden,  in  South 
Carolina,  his  own  force  three  thousand  men,  Cornwal- 
lis's  but  two  thousand,  and  was  utterly,  even  shame 
fully,  defeated  (August  16,  1780).  "We  look  on  Amer 
ica  as  at  our  feet,"  said  Horace  Walpole,  complacently, 
when  the  news  had  made  its  way  over  sea. 

And  certainly  it  seemed  as  if  that  dark  year  brought 
nothing  but  disaster  upon  the  Americans.  It  was  now 
more  evident  than  ever  that  they  had  no  government 
worthy  of  the  name.  The  Congress  had  no  more  au 
thority  now  than  it  had  had  in  1774,  when  it  was  ad 
mitted  to  be  nothing  but  a  "  Congress  of  the  Committees 
of  Correspondence  " ;  and  it  was  not  now  made  up,  as 
it  had  then  been,  of  the  first  characters  in  America, 

136 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 


the  men  of  the  greatest  force  and  initiative  in  the  patri 
otic  party.     It  could  advise,  but  it  could  not  command; 


HORATIO   GATES 


and  the  states,  making  their  own  expenditures,  which 
seemed  heavy  enough,  maintaining  their  own  militia, 
guarding  their  own  interests  in  the  war,  following 

137 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

their  own  leaders,  often  with  open  selfishness  and  in 
difference  to  the  common  cause,  paid  less  and  less  heed 
to  what  it  asked  them  to  do.  It  could  not  raise  money 
by  taxation;  it  could  raise  very  little  by  loan,  having 
no  legal  power  to  make  good  its  promises  of  repayment. 
Beaumarchais  found  to  his  heavy  cost  that  it  was  next 
to  impossible  to  recover  the  private  moneys  advanced 
through  "Roderigue  Hortalez  et  Cie."  The  troops 


do  acknowledge  the  UNITED  SA  A  T<K  S  of  AME 
RICA  fa  be  Free,  Independent  and  Sovereign  States,  and 
declare  that  the  people* thereof  owe  no  allegiance  or  obe 
dience  to  George  the  Third,  King  of  Great-Britain  j  and  I 
renounce,  refufe  and  abjure  any  allegiance  or  obedience  to 
him }  and  I  do  -^^ly-coo--*^-  that  I  will,  to  the  ut- 

moft  of  my  power,  fupport,  maintain  and  defend  the  faid 
United  States  againft  the  faid  King  George  the  Third,  his 
heirs  and  fucceflbrs,  and  his  or  their  abettors,  affiftants  and 
adherents,  and  will  ferve  the  faid  United  States  in  the  office  of 
i/to^t-*!^  which  I  now  hold,  with 

to  the  beft  of  my  fkill  and  underilanding. 


BENEDICT  ARNOLD'S  OATH  OF  ALLEGIANCE 

upon  whom  Washington  and  his  generals  depended 
were  paid  in  "continental"  paper  money,  which,  by 
1780,  had  grown  so  worthless  that  a  bushel  of  wheat 
could  scarcely  be  had  for  a  month's  pay.  Wholesale 
desertion  began.  Enlisted  men  by  the  score  quit  the 
demoralized  camps.  It  was  reckoned  that  as  many 
as  a  full  hundred  a  month  went  over  to  the  enemy,  if 
only  to  get  food  and  shelter  and  clothing.  Those 
who  remained  in  the  depleted  ranks  took  what  they 

138 


THET    WAR  FOR   INDEPENDENCE 

needed   trom  the  farms  about  them,  and  grew  sullen 
and    mutinous.      Promises    of    money    and    supplies 


BENEDICT   ARNOLD 


proved  as  fruitless  as  promises  of  reinforcements  from 
France. 

Even  deliberate  treason  was  added.    Benedict  Arnold, 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

whom  every  soldier  in  the  continental  ranks  deemed 
a  hero  because  of  the  gallant  things  he  had  done  at 
Quebec  and  Saratoga,  and  whom  Washington  had 
specially  loved  and  trusted,  entered  into  correspondence 


JOHN    ANDKfe 


with  the  enemy,  and  plotted  to  give  West  Point  and 
the  posts  dependent  upon  it  into  the  hands  of  the  British.1 
Congress  had  been  deeply  unjust  to  him,  promoting 
his  juniors  and  inferiors  and  passing  him  over;  a  thou 
sand  slights  had  cut  him;  a  thousand  subtle  forces  of 
discouragement  and  of  social  temptation  had  been  at 


1  See  page  343. 


I4O 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 


work  upon  him,  and  he  had  yielded, — to  pique,  to  bitter 
disappointment,  to  the  disorders  of  a  mind  unstable, 
irritable,  without  nobility.  His  treason  was  discovered 
in  time  to  be  foiled,  but  the  heart-breaking  fact  of  it 
cut  Washington  to  the  quick, 
like  a  last  and  wellnigh  fatal 
stroke  of  bitter  dismay.  Who 
could  be  trusted  now?  and 
where  was  strength  to  be  got 
wherewith  to  carry  the  lan 
guishing  work  to  a  worthy 
finish? 

It  was  the  worst  of  all  the 
bad  signs  of  the  times  that  no 
government  could  be  agreed 
upon  that  would  give  the 
young  states  a  real  union, 
or  assure  them  of  harmony 

and  co-operation  in  the  exercise  of  the  independence 
for  which  they  were  struggling.  Definitive  articles  of 
confederation  had  been  suggested  as  of  course  at  the 
time  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  adopted; 
and  the  next  year  (November  15,  1777)  the  Congress 
had  adopted  the  plan  which  Mr.  Dickinson  had  drawn 
up  and  which  its  committee  had  reported  July  12,  1776. 
But  the  states  did  not  all  accept  it,  and  without  unani 
mous  adoption  it  could  not  go  into  operation.  All  ex 
cept  Delaware  and  Maryland  accepted  it  before  the 
close  of  1778,  and  Delaware  added  her  ratification  in 
1779;  but  Maryland  still  held  out, — waiting  until  the 
great  states,  like  Virginia,  should  forego  some  part  of 
their  too  great  preponderance  and  advantage  in  the 
prospective  partnership  by  transferring  their  claims 

141 


MAJOR  ANDRE'S  WATCH 


A  HISTORY   OF  THE   AMERICAN   PEOPLE 


BENEDICT  ARNOLD'S  PASS  TO  MAJOR  ANDRE 

to  the  great  northwestern  territories  to  the  proposed 
government  of  the  confederation ;  and  her  statesmanlike 
scruples  still  kept  the  country  without  a  government 
throughout  that  all  but  hopeless  year  1780. 

But  the  autumn  showed  a  sudden  turning  of  the 
tide.  Cornwallis  had  ventured  too  far  from  his  base 
of  operations  on  the  southern  coast.  He  had  gone 
deep  into  the  country  of  the  Carolinas,  north  of  him, 
and  was  being  beset  almost  as  Burgoyne  had  been  when 
he  sought  to  cross  the  forests  which  lay  about  the  upper 
waters  of  the  Hudson.  Gates  had  been  promptly  super 
seded  after  his  disgraceful  discomfiture  and  rout  at 
Camden,  and  the  most  capable  officers  the  long  war 
had  bred  were  now  set  to  accomplish  the  task  of  forcing 

Cornwallis  to  a  checkmate:    Nathanael  Greene,  whose 

142 


THE  WAR  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

quality  Washington  had  seen  abundantly  tested  at 
Trenton  and  Princeton,  at  the  Brandywine,  at  Ger- 
mantown,  and  at  Monmouth;  the  dashing  Henry  Lee, 
whom  nature  and  the  hard  school  of  war  had  made  a 
master  of  cavalry ;  the  veteran  and  systematic  Steuben ; 
Morgan,  who  had  won  with  Arnold  in  the  fighting 
about  Saratoga,  and  had  kept  his  name  unstained; 
and  William  Washington,  a  distant  kinsman  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  whom  English  soldiers  were  to  re 
member  with  Lee  as  a  master  of  light  horsemen.  The 
wide  forests  were  full,  too,  of  partisan  bands,  under 
leaders  whom  the  British  had  found  good  reason  to 
dread. 

The  conquest  of  the  back  country  of  the  Carolinas 
was  always  doing  and  to  be  done.  The  scattered  settle 
ments  and  lonely  plantations  were,  indeed,  full  of  men 
who  cared  little  for  the  quarrel  with  the  mother  country 
and  held  to  their  old  allegiance  as  of  course,  giving 


MAJOR  ANDRE'S  POCKET-BOOK 
H3 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 


to  the  King's  troops  ready  aid  and  welcome;  and  there 
were  men  there,  as  everywhere,  who  loved  pillage  and  all 
lawless  adventure,  upon  whom  the  stronger  army  could 
always  count  to  go  in  its  ranks  upon  an  errand  of  sub 
jugation  ;  but  there  were  also  men  who  took  their  spirit 
and  their  principles  from  the  new  days  that  had  come 
since  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and,  though  they 
were  driven  from  their  homes  and  left  to  shift  for  them- 


sue 

"MJfjfjflD    DO  I JL  A  H  S  * 

or  theisr  Veftuf  in. 

luX.CVlLiSJ'i  G\3i  fo?  <J\ia  jBi  _ 
at  tke  .TRE^LSURYof 
VIR  GrN  I  A,pujrfiiajit  to 
^ACT  of  ASS BMiJJLCY 
fied.^^^  ,  *7JpK. 

rf%l'S^'<>&&***^' 

S^  **"*-,. TTfi^ 


¥ 


VIRGINIA   COLONIAL   CURRENCY 


selves  for  mere  subsistence  when  the  King's  forces  were 
afield,  they  came  back  again  when  the  King's  men 
were  gone,  and  pla\^ed  the  part,  albeit  without  Indian 
allies,  that  the  ousted  Tories  pla}Ted  in  the  forest  coun 
try  of  New  York.  The  English  commanders  at  Savan 
nah  and  Charleston  had  hit  at  last,  nevertheless,  upon 
effective  means  of  holding,  not  their  seaports  merely, 
but  the  country  itself.  The  forces  the3^  sent  into  the 
interior  were  made  up,  for  the  most  part,  of  men  recruited 

in  America,  and  were  under  the  command  of  officers 

144 


THE   WAR    FOR   INDEPENDENCE 


fitted  by  school  and  temperament  for  their  irregular 
duty  of  keeping  a  whole  country-side  in  fearful  discipline 
of  submission.  Many  a  formidable  band  of  "Whigs" 


LORD   CORNWALLIS 


took  the  field  against  them,  but  were  without  a  base 
of  supplies,  moved  among  men  who  spied  upon  them, 
and  were  no  match  in  the  long  run  for  Tarleton  and 
Ferguson, — Tarleton  with  his  reckless,  sudden  onset 
and  savage  thoroughness  of  conquest,  and  Ferguson 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

with  his  subtile  gifts  at  once  of  mastery  and  of  quiet 
judgment  that  made  him  capable  of  succeeding  either 
as  a  soldier  who  compelled  or  as  a  gentleman  who  won 


*-£^- 


WILLIAM 
WASHINGTON 


men  to  go  his  way  and  do  his  will.  South  Carolina 
seemed  once  and  again  to  lie  almost  quiet  under  these 
men. 

But  Ferguson,  for  all  he  had  the  gifts  of  a  soldier 

146 


BANASTRE  TARLETON 


A   HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

statesman,  had  gone  too  far.  He  had  carried  his  per- 
suasion  of  arms  to  the  very  foothills  of  the  western  moun 
tains,  and  had  sent  his  threats  forward  into  the  western 
country  that  lay  beyond  the  passes  of  the  mountains, 
where  hardy  frontiersmen  of  whom  he  knew  almost 
nothing  had  so  far  kept  their  homes  against  the  red 


KKANC1S    MARION 


men  without  thought  of  turning  to  the  east.  His  threats 
had  angered  and  aroused  them.  They  had  put  theii 
riflemen  from  the  back  country  of  Carolina  and  Vir 
ginia  into  the  saddle  hundreds  strong,  had  pushed 
league  upon  league  through  the  passes  of  the  moun 
tains,  from  the  far-off  waters  of  the  Holston,  and  had 
surrounded  and  utterly  overwhelmed  him  at  King's 

148 


SO'     LoUjjituiU;     West     fruiu     Greenwich      70° 


ENCH.ISH 


S,  17Q3  -  1775, 


THE  WAR   FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

Mountain  (October  7,  1780).  There  he  lost  a  thousand 
men  and  his  own  life.  "A  numerous  army  appeared 
on  the  frontier,"  reported  Lord  Rawdon,  "drawn  from 


DANIEL  MORGAN 


# 


Nolachucky  and  other  settlements  beyond  the  moun 
tains,  whose  very  names  had  been  unknown  to  us." 
The  hold  of  the  British  upon  the  inland  settlements 
was  of  a  sudden  loosened,  and  Cornwallis  had  reason 
to  know  at  once  what  a  difference  that  made  to  him. 


VOL.    IV. II 


149 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

Early  in  December  came  General  Greene  to  take  the 
place  of  Gates,  and  new  difficulties  faced  the  English 


COUNT   ROCHAMBEAU 

commander.  Greene  kept  no  single  force  afield,  to 
be  met  and  checkmated,  but  sent  one  part  of  his  little 
army  towards  the  coast  to  cut  Cornwallis's  communica 
tions,  and  another  southward  against  the  inland  posts 

150 


NATHANAEL   GREENE 


^A^^y  '&&&>  -V^-ji*^-*^?   f**-.^ri~e' 


* 


s 


0 


FACSIMILE   OF   THE   LAST   ARTICLE   OF   CAPITULATION    AT    VGRKTOWH 


THE  WAR   FOR  INDEPENDENCE 


and  settlements  where  scattered  garrisons  lay  between 
the  commander  -  in  -  chief  and  his  base  at  Charleston 
in  the  south.  With  the  first  detachment  went  Francis 
Marion,  a  man  as  formidable  in  strategy  and  sudden 


j7  <?  f 

cta&i^ai&a/  to 
SS 

i  <v^<faat 


rftt^rtfuw  ^&t0mtS4>  dta^1  66%6rL6ojsS-~ 

/  SSs^xSs?  rtf 


-^e,  *fa<f*i£>f    t/-uSr-£c/&4a<yt/  i& 

SI  ' 


/ 


<r 


PAROLE  OF  CORNWALLIS 


action  as  Ferguson,  and  the  men  who  had  attached 
themselves  to  him  as  if  to  a  modern  Robin  Hood.  With 
the  second  went  Daniel  Morgan,  a  man  made  after  the 
fashion  of  the  redoubtable  frontiersmen  who  had  brought 
Ferguson  his  day  of  doom  at  King's  Mountain.  Tarle- 

153 


A   HISTORY   OF   THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

ton  was  sent  after  Morgan  with  eleven  hundred  men, 
found  him  at  the  Cowpens  (January  17,  1781),  just 

Illumination. 

COLONEL  TILGHMAN,  Aid 
de  Camp  to  his  Excellency 
General  WASHINGTON,  having 
brought  official  acounts  of  the 
SURRENDER  of  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  and  the  Garrifons  of 
York  and  Gloucefter,thofe  Citi 
zens  who  chufe  to  ILLUMI 
NATE  on  the  GLORIOUS  OC 
CASION,  will  do  it  this  evening 
at  Six,  and  extinguilh  their 
lights  at  Nine  o'clock. 

Decorum  and  harmony  are 
earneftly  recommended  to  eve 
ry  Citizen,  and  a  general  dif- 
countenance  to  the  leaft  ap 
pearance  of  riot. 

QElober  24,  1781. 

ORDER   PERMITTING   THE   ILLUMINATION   OF   PHILADELPHIA 

within  the  border  upon  which  King's  Mountain  lay, 
and  came  back  a  fugitive,  with  only  two  hundred  and 
seventy  men.  Greene  drew  his  forces  together  again. 

154 


THE  WAR   FOR   INDEPENDENCE 


and  at  Guilford  Court  House  Cornwallis  beat  him,  out 
numbered  though  he  was  (March  I5th).  But  to  beat 
Greene,  it  seemed,  was  of  no  more  avail  than  to  beat 
General  Washington.  The  country  was  no  safer,  the 
communications  of  the  army  were  as  seriously  threat 
ened,  the  defeated  army  was  as  steady  and  as  well  in 
hand  after  the  battle  as  before;  and  the  English  with 
drew  to  Wilmington,  on  the  coast. 

It  seemed  a  hazardous  thing  to  take  an  army  thence 
southward  again,  with 
supplies,  through  the 
forests  where  Greene 
moved ;  news  came  that 
General  Arnold  was  in 
Virginia  with  a  consid 
erable  body  of  Clinton's 
troops  from  New  York, 
to  anticipate  what  the 
southern  commander 
had  planned  to  do  for 
the  conquest  of  the  Old 
Dominion  when  the  Car- 
olinas  should  have  been 

"  pacified  "  from  end  to  end ;  and  Cornwallis  determined 
to  move  northward  instead  of  southward,  and  join 
Arnold  in  Virginia.  Greene  moved  a  little  way  in 
his  track,  and  then  turned  southward  again  against 
the  garrisons  of  the  inland  posts.  Lord  Rawdon  beat 
him  at  Hobkirk's  Hill  (April  25th)  and  held  him  off 
at  Eutaw  Springs  (September  8th) ;  but  both  times  the 
English  withdrew  to  save  their  communications;  and, 
though  the  work  was  slow  in  the  doing,  before  winter 
came  again  they  were  shut  within  the  fortifications 

155 


NELSON    HOUSE,  CORNWALLIs'S   HEAD 
QUARTERS,  YORKTOWN 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

of  Charleston  and  the  country-sides  were  once  more 
in  American  possession,  to  be  purged  of  loyalist  bands 
at  leisure. 

In  Virginia,  Lord  Cornwallis  moved  for  a  little  while 
freely  and  safely  enough;  but  only  for  a  little  while. 
Baron  Steuben  had  been  busy,  winter  and  spring,  rais 
ing  recruits  there  for  an  army  of  defence;  General 
Washington  hurried  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  south 
ward  with  twelve  hundred  light  infantry  from  his 
own  command;  and  by  midsummer,  1781,  Lafayette 


EVOLUTION   OF   THE   AMERICAN   FLAG 


was  at  the  British  front  with  a  force  strong  enough 
to  make  it  prudent  that  Cornwallis  should  concentrate 
his  strength  and  once  more  make  sure  of  his  base  of 
supplies  at  the  coast.  His  watchful  opponents  out 
manoeuvred  him,  caught  his  forces  once  and  again 
in  detail,  and  made  his  outposts  unsafe.  By  the  first 
week  in  August  he  had  withdrawn  to  the  sea  and  had 
taken  post  behind  intrenchments  at  Yorktown,  some 
thing  more  than  seven  thousand  strong. 

There,  upon  the  peninsula  which  he  deemed  his 
safest  coign  of  vantage,  he  was  trapped  and  taken. 
At  last  the  French  were  at  hand.  The  Comte  de  Grasse, 
with  twenty-eight  ships  of  the  line,  six  frigates,  and 

156 


twenty  thousand  men,  was  in  the  West  Indies.  Wash 
ington  had  begged  him  to  come  at  once  either  to  New 
York  or  to  the  Chesapeake.  In  August  he  sent  word 
that  he  would  come  to  the  Chesapeake.  Thereupon 
Washington  once  again  moved  with  the  sudden  di 
rectness  he  had  shown  at  Trenton  and  Princeton. 
Rochambeau  was  free  now  to  lend  him  aid.  With 
four  thousand  Frenchmen  and  two  thousand  of  his 
own  continentals,  Washington  marched  all  the  long 
four  hundred  miles  straightway  to  the  York  River, 
in  Virginia.  There  he  found  Cornwallis,  as  he  had 
hoped  and  expected,  already  penned  between  Grasse's 
fleet  in  the  bay  and  Lafayette's  trenches  across  the 
peninsula.  His  six  thousand  men,  added  to  Lafayette's 
five  thousand  and  the  three  thousand  put  ashore  from 
the  fleet,  made  short  work  enough  of  the  siege,  drawn 
closer  -and  closer  about  the  British;  and  by  the 
1 9th  of  October1  (1781)  they  accepted  the  inevitable 
and  surrendered.  The  gallant  Cornwallis  himself  could 
not  withhold  an  expression  of  his  admiration  for  the 
quick,  consummate  execution  of  the  plans  which  had 
undone  him,  and  avowed  it  with  manly  frankness  to 
Washington.  "But,  after  all,"  he  cried,  "your  Ex 
cellency's  achievements  in  New  Jersey  were  such  that 
nothing  could  surpass  them."  He  liked  the  mastery 
by  which  he  had  been  outplayed  and  taken. 

Here  our  general  authorities  are  the  same  as  for  the  period  covered 
by  the  last  chapter.  But  to  these  we  now  add  Edward  J.  Lowell's 
The  United  States  of  America,  1775-1782,  in  the  seventh  volume  of 
Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America ;  John  Jay's 
Peace  Negotiations,  1782-1783,  in  the  same  volume  of  Winsor; 
G.  W.  Greene's  Historical  View  of  the  American  Revolution  ;  the 
second  volume  of  W.  B.  Weeden's  Economic  and  Social  History 
of  New  England  ;  P.  0.  Hutchinson's  Life  and  Letters  of  Thomas 

i  See  page  347-  \  CJ 


A   HISTORY   OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

Hutchinson  ;  Moses  Coit  Tyler's  Literary  History  of  the  Ameri 
can  Revolution;  Lorenzo  Sabine's  Biographical  Sketches  of  Ad 
herents  to  the  British  Crown  ;  George  E.  Ellis's  The  Loyalists  and 
their  Fortunes,  in  the  seventh  volume  of  Winsor ;  Edward  E.  Male's 
Franklin  in  France ;  George  Ticknor  Curtis's  Constitutional 
History  of  the  United  States  ;  and  William  H.  Trescot's  Diplomacy 
of  the  American  Revolution.  Abundant  references  to  authorities 
on  the  several  campaigns  of  the  revolutionary  war  may  be  found 
in  Albert  B.  Hart  and  Edward  Channing's  Guide  to  American 
History,  an  invaluable  manual. 

The  sources  for  the  period  may  be  found  in  the  contemporary 
pamphlets,  speeches,  and  letters  published  at  the  time  and  since, 
among  which  may  be  mentioned,  as  of  unusual  individuality, 
Thomas  Paine's  celebrated  pamphlet  entitled  Common  Sense,  the 
writings  of  Joseph  Galloway,  some  of  which  are  reproduced  in 
Stedman  and  Hutchinson' s  Library  of  American  Literature,  and 
St.  John  de  Crevecoeur's  Letters  from  an  American  Farmer.  Here 
again  we  rely,  too,  on  the  Journals  of  Congress  and  the  Secret 
Journals  of  Congress ;  the  Debates  of  Parliament ;  Peter  Force's 
American  Archives  ;  Hezekiah  Niles's  Principles  and  Acts  of  the 
Revolution  in  America;  The  Annual  Register;  Jared  Sparks's 
Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution  and  Diplomatic  Cor 
respondence  of  the  American  Revolution ;  Francis  Wharton's  The 
Revolutionary  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  United  States  ; 
Thomas  Anburey's  Travels  through  the  Interior  Parts  of  Amer 
ica  (1776-1781);  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux's  Travels  in  North 
America  in  the  Years  1780,  1781,  and  1782;  and  the  Memoirs  and 
Collections  of  the  Historical  Societies  of  the  several  original  states. 


APPENDIX 

ARTICLES  OF   CONFEDERATION 

OF  THE  NEW  ENGLAND  COLONIES1 

Betweene  the  plantations  vnder  the  Gouernment  of  the 
Massachusetts,  the  Plantacons  vnder  the  Gouernment 
of  New  Plymouth,  the  Plantacons  vnder  the  Gouern 
ment  of  Connectacutt,  and  the  Gouernment  of  New 
Haven  with  the  Plantacons  in  combinacon  therewith 

WHEREAS  wee  all  came  into  these  parts  of  America 
with  one  and  the  same  end  and  ayme,  namely,  to  ad- 
vaunce  the  kingdome  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  to 
enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  Gospell  in  puritie  with  peace.  And 
whereas  in  our  settleinge  (by  a  wise  Providence  of  God) 
we  are  further  dispersed  vpon  the  Sea  Coasts  and  Riuers 
then  was  at  first  intended,  so  that  we  cannot  according 
to  our  desire,  with  convenience  communicate  in  one  Gouern 
ment  and  Jurisdiccon.  And  whereas  we  live  encompassed 
with  people  of  seuerall  Nations  and  strang  languages  which 
heareaf ter  may  proue  injurious  to  vs  or  our  posteritie.  And 
forasmuch  as  the  Natives  have  formerly  committed  sondry 
insolences  and  outrages  vpon  seueral  Plantacons  of  the 
English  and  have  of  late  combined  themselues  against 
vs.  And  seing  by  reason  of  those  sad  Distraccons  in  Eng 
land,  which  they  have  heard  of,  and  by  which  they  know 

1  See  page  i,  vol.  ii.  159 


APPENDIX 

we  are  hindred  from  that  humble  way  of  seekinge  advise 
or  reapeing  those  comfortable  fruits  of  protection  which 
at  other  tymes  we  might  well  expecte.  Wee  therefore  doe 
conceiue  it  our  bounden  Dutye  without  delay  to  enter  into 
a  present  consotiation  amongst  our  selues  for  mutual  help 
and  strength  in  all  our  future  concernements :  That  as 
in  Nation  and  Religion,  so  in  other  Respects  we  bee  and 
continue  one  according  to  the  tenor  and  true  rneaninge 
of  the  ensuing  Articles:  Wherefore  it  is  fully  agreed  and 
concluded  by  and  betweene  the  parties  or  Jurisdiccons 
aboue  named,  and  they  joyntly  and  seuerally  doe  by  these 
presents  agreed  and  concluded  that  they  all  bee,  and  hence 
forth  bee  called  by  the  Name  of  the  United  Colonies  of  New- 
England. 

II.  The  said  United  Colonies,  for  themselues  and  their 
posterities,   do   joyntly   and   seuerally,   hereby   enter  into 
a  firme  and  perpetuall  league  of  friendship  and  amytie, 
for  offence  and  defence,  mutuall  advise  and  succour,  vpon 
all  just  occations,  both  for  preserueing  and  propagateing 
the  truth  and  liberties  of  the  Gospel,  and  for  their  owne 
mutuall  safety  and  wellfare. 

III.  It  is  futher  agreed  That  the  Plantacons  which  at 
present  are  or  hereafter  shalbe  settled  within  the  limmetts 
of  the  Massachusetts,  shalbe  forever  vnder  the  Massachu 
setts,  and  shall  have  peculiar  Jurisdiccon  among  themselues 
in  all  cases  as  an  entire  Body,  and  that  Plymouth,  Con- 
necktacutt,  and  New  Haven  shall  eich  of  them  haue  like 
peculier  Jurisdiccon  and  Gouernment  within  their  limmetts 
and  in  referrence  to  the  Plantacons  which  already  are  settled 
or  shall  hereafter  be  erected  or  shall  settle  within  their 
limmetts  respectiuely ;  prouided  that  no  other  Jurisdiccon 
shall  hereafter  be  taken  in  as  a  distinct  head  or  member 
of  this  Confederacon,  nor  shall  any  other  Plantacon  or 
Jurisdiccon  in  present  being  and  not  already  in  combynacon 
or  vnder  the  Jurisdiccon  of  any  of  these  Confederats  be 

1 60 


received  by  any  of  them,  nor  shall  any  two  of  the  Confed- 
erats  joyne  in  one  Jurisdiccon  without  consent  of  the  rest, 
which  consent  to  be  interpreted  as  is  expressed  in  the 
sixth  Article  ensuinge. 

IV.  It  is  by  these  Confederats  agreed  that  the  charge 
of  all  just  warrs,  whether  offensiue  or  defensiue,  upon  what 
part  or  member  of  this  Confederaccon  soever  they  fall,  shall 
both  in  men  and  provisions,  and  all  other  Disbursements, 
be  borne  by  all  the  parts  of  this  Confederacon,  in  different 
proporcons  according  to  their  different  abilitie,  in  manner 
following,  namely,  that  the  Commissioners  for  eich  Juris 
diccon  from  tyme  to  tyme,  as  there  shalbe  occation,  bring 
a  true  account  and  number  of  all  the  males  in  every  Plan- 
tacon,  or  any  way  belonging  to,  or  under  their  seuerall 
Jurisdiccons,  of  what  quality  or  condicion  soeuer  they  bee, 
from  sixteene  yeares  old  to  threescore,  being  Inhabitants 
there.     And  That  according  to  the  different  numbers  which 
from  tyme  to  tyme  shalbe  found  in  eich  Jurisdiccon,  upon 
a  true  and  just  account,  the  service  of  men  and  all  charges 
of  the  warr  be  borne  by  the  Poll :  Eich  Jurisdiccon,  or  Plan- 
tacon,  being  left  to  their  owne  just  course  and  custome  of 
rating  themselues  and  people  according  to  their  different 
estates,   with  due  respects  to  their  qualites  and  exemp 
tions  among  themselues,  though  the  Confederacon  take 
no  notice  of  any  such  priviledg:     And  that  according  to 
their  differrent  charge  of  eich  Jurisdiccon  and  Plantacon, 
the  whole  advantage  of  the  warr  (if  it  please  God  to  bless 
their  Endeavours)  whether  it  be  in  lands,  goods  or  per 
sons,  shall  be  proportionably  deuided  among  the  said  Con 
federats. 

V.  It  is  further  agreed  That  if  any  of  these  Jurisdic 
cons,  or  any  Plantacons  vnder  it,  or  in  any  combynacon 
with  them  be  envaded  by  any  enemie  whomsoeuer,  vpon 
notice  and  request  of  any  three  majestrats  of  that  Juris 
diccon  so  invaded,  the  rest  of  the  Confederates,  without 

161 


APPENDIX 

any  further  meeting  or  espostulacon,  shall  forthwith  send 
ayde  to  the  Confederate  in  danger,  but  in  different  propor- 
cons;  namely,  the  Massachusetts  an  hundred  men  suffi 
ciently  armed  and  provided  for  such  a  service  and  jorney, 
and  eich  of  the  rest  fourty-fiue  so  armed  and  provided,  or 
any  lesse  number,  if  lesse  be  required,  according  to  this 
proporcon.  But  if  such  Confederate  in  danger  may  be 
supplyed  by  their  next  Confederate,  not  exceeding  the 
number  hereby  agreed,  they  may  craue  help  there,  and 
seeke  no  further  for  the  present.  The  charge  to  be  borne 
as  in  this  Article  is  exprest:  And,  at  the  returne,  to  be 
victualled  and  supplyed  with  poder  and  shott  for  their 
journey  (if  there  be  neede)  by  that  Jurisdiccon  which  em 
ployed  or  sent  for  them:  But  none  of  the  Jurisdiccons  to 
exceed  these  numbers  till  by  a  meeting  of  the  Commissioners 
for  this  Confederacon  a  greater  ayd  appeare  necessary. 
And  this  proporcon  to  continue,  till  upon  knowledge  of 
greater  numbers  in  eich  Jurisdiccon  which  shalbe  brought 
to  the  next  meeting  some  other  proporcon  be  ordered.  But 
in  any  such  case  of  sending  men  for  present  ayd  whether 
before  or  after  such  order  or  alteracon,  it  is  agreed  that  at 
the  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  for  this  Confederacon, 
the  cause  of  such  warr  or  invasion  be  duly  considered : 
And  if  it  appeare  that  the  fault  lay  in  the  parties  so  invaded, 
that  then  that  Jurisdiccon  or  Plantacon  make  just  Satisfac- 
con,  both  to  the  Invaders  whom  they  have  injured,  and 
beare  all  the  charges  of  the  warr  themselves  without  re- 
quireing  any  allowance  from  the  rest  of  the  Confederats 
towards  the  same.  And  further,  that  if  any  Jurisdiccon 
see  any  danger  of  any  Invasion  approaching,  and  there 
be  tyme  for  a  meeting,  that  in  such  case  three  majestrats 
of  that  Jurisdiccon  may  summon  a  meeting  at  such  con- 
venyent  place  as  themselues  shall  think  meete,  to  consider 
and  provide  against  the  threatned  danger,  Provided  when 
they  are  met  they  may  remoue  to  what  place  they  please, 

162 


APPENDIX 

Onely  whilst  any  of  these  foure  Confederats  have  but  three 
majestrats  in  their  Jurisdiccon,  their  request  or  summons 
from  any  two  of  them  shalbe  accounted  of  equall  force  with 
the  three  mentoned  in  both  the  clauses  of  this  Article,  till 
there  be  an  increase  of  majestrats  there. 

VI.  It  is  also  agreed  that  for  the  mannaging  and  con 
cluding  of  all  affairs  proper  and  concerneing  the  whole 
Confederacon,  two  Commissioners  shalbe  chosen  by  and 
out  of  eich  of  these  foure  Jurisdiccons,  namely,  two  for 
the  Mattachusetts,  two  for  Plymouth,  two  for  Connec- 
tacutt  and  two  for  New  Haven;  being  all  in  Church  fel 
lowship  with  us,  which  shall  bring  full  power  from  their 
seuerall  generall  Courts  respectively  to  heare,  examine, 
weigh  and  determine  all  affaires  of  our  warr  or  peace,  leagues, 
ayds,  charges  and  numbers  of  men  for  warr,  divission  of 
spoyles  and  whatsoever  is  gotten  by  conquest,  receiueing 
of  more  Confederats  for  plantacons  into  combinacon  with 
any  of  the  Confederates,  and  all  thinges  of  like  nature 
which  are  the  proper  concomitants  or  consequence  of  such 
a  confederacon,  for  amytie,  offence  and  defence,  not  in- 
termeddleing  with  the  gouernment  of  any  of  the  Juris 
diccons  which  by  the  third  Article  is  preserued  entirely  to 
themselves.  But  if  these  eight  Commissioners,  when 
they  meete,  shall  not  all  agree,  yet  it  is  concluded  that 
any  six  of  the  eight  agreeing  shall  have  power  to  settle 
and  determine  the  business  in  question :  But  if  six  do  not 
agree,  that  then  such  proposicons  \vith  their  reasons,  so 
farr  as  they  have  beene  debated,  be  sent  and  referred  to 
the  foure  generall  Courts,  vizt.  the  Mattachusetts,  Plym 
outh,  Connectacutt,  and  New  Haven :  And  if  at  all  the 
said  Generall  Courts  the  businesse  so  referred  be  con 
cluded,  then  to  bee  prosecuted  by  the  Confederates  and 
all  their  members.  It  is  further  agreed  that  these  eight 
Commissioners  shall  meete  once  every  yeare,  besides  ex 
traordinary  meetings  (according  to  the  fift  Article)  to  con- 

163 


APPENDIX 

sider,  treate  and  conclude  of  all  affaires  belonging  to  this 
Confederacon,  which  meeting  shall  ever  be  the  first  Thurs 
day  in  Sjptember.  And  that  the  next  meeting  after  the 
date  of  these  presents,  which  shalbe  accounted  the  second 
meeting,  shalbe  at  Bostone  in  the  Massachusetts,  the  third 
at  Hartford,  the  fourth  at  New  Haven,  the  fift  at  Plymouth, 
the  sixt  and  seaventh  at  Bostone.  And  then  Hartford, 
New  Haven  and  Plymouth,  and  so  in  course  successiuely, 
if  in  the  meane  tyme  some  middle  place  be  not  found  out  and 
agreed  on  which  may  be  commodious  for  all  the  jurisdiccons. 

VII.  It  is  further  agreed  that  at  eich  meeting  of  these 
eight  Commissioners,  whether  ordinary  or  extraordinary, 
they,  or  six  of  them  agreeing,  as  before,  may  choose  their 
President  out  of  themselues,  whose  office  and  worke  shalbe 
to  take  care  and  direct  for  order  and  a  comely  carrying  on 
of  all  proceedings  in  the  present  meeting.     But  he  shalbe 
invested  with  no  such  power  or  respect  as  by  which  he  shall 
hinder  the  propounding  or  progresse  of  any  businesse,  or 
any  way  cast  the  Scales,  otherwise  then  in  the  precedent 
Article  is  agreed. 

VIII.  It  is  also  agreed  that  the  Commissioners  for  this 
Confederacon  hereafter  at  their  meetings,  whether  ordinary 
or  extraordinary,  as  they  may  have  commission  or  oper- 
tunitie,  do  endeavoure  to  frame  and  establish  agreements 
and  orders  in  generall  cases  of  a  civill  nature  wherein  all 
the  plantacons  are  interested  for  preserving  peace  among 
themselves,  and  preventing  as  much  as  may  bee  all  occations 
of  warr  or  difference  with  others,  as  about  the  free  and 
speedy  passage  of  Justice  in  every  Jurisdiccon,  to  all  the 
Confederats  equally  as  their  owne,   receiving  those  that 
remoue  from  one  plantacon  to  another  without  due  certefy- 
cats;  how  all  the  Jurisdiccons  may  carry  it  towards  the 
Indians,  that  they  neither  grow  insolent  nor  be  injured 
without  due  satisfaccion,  lest  wrarr  break  in  vpon  the  Con 
federates  through  such  miscarryage.     It  is  also  agreed  that 

164 


APPENDIX 

if  any  servant  runn  away  from  his  master  into  any  other 
of  these  confederated  Jurisdiccons,  That  in  such  Case, 
vpon  the  Certyficate  of  one  Majistrate  in  the  Jurisdiccon  out 
of  which  the  said  servant  fled,  or  upon  other  due  proofe, 
the  said  servant  shalbe  deliuered  either  to  his  Master  or  any 
other  that  pursues  and  brings  such  Certificate  or  proofe. 
And  that  vpon  the  escape  of  any  prisoner  whatsoever  or 
fugitiue  for  any  criminal  cause,  whether  breaking  prison 
or  getting  from  the  officer  or  otherwise  escaping,  upon  the 
certificate  of  two  Majistrats  of  the  Jurisdiccon  out  of  which 
ihe  escape  is  made  that  he  was  a  prisoner  or  such  an  of 
fender  at  the  tyme  of  the  escape.  The  Majestrates  or  some 
of  them  of  that  Jurisdiccon  where  for  the  present  the  said 
prisoner  or  fugitive  abideth  shall  forthwith  graunt  such 
a  warrant  as  the  case  will  beare  for  the  apprehending  of 
any  such  person,  and  the  delivery  of  him  into  the  hands 
of  the  ofiicer  or  other  person  that  pursues  him.  And  if 
there  be  help  required  for  the  safe  returneing  of  any  such 
offender,  then  it  shalbe  graunted  to  him  that  craves  the 
same,  he  paying  the  charges  thereof. 

IX.  And  for  that  the  justest  warrs  may  be  of  danger 
ous  consequence,  espetially  to  the  smaler  plantacons  in 
these  vnited  Colonies,  It  is  agreed  that  neither  the  Mas 
sachusetts,  Plymouth,  Connectacutt  nor  New-Haven,  nor 
any  of  the  members  of  any  of  them  shall  at  any  tyme  here 
after  begin,  undertake,  or  engage  themselues  or  this  Con- 
federacon,  or  any  part  thereof  in  any  warr  whatsoever 
(sudden  exegents  with  the  necessary  consequents  thereof 
excepted)  which  are  also  to  be  moderated  as  much  as  the 
case  will  permit)  without  the  consent  and  agreement  of 
the  forenamed  eight  Commissioners,  or  at  least  six  of  them, 
as  in  the  sixt  Article  is  provided :  And  that  no  charge 
be  required  of  any  of  the  Confederate  ;n  case  of  a  defen- 
siue  warr  till  the  said  Commissioners  haue  mett  and  ap- 
proued  the  justice  of  the  warr,  and  have  agreed  vpon  the 

165 


VOL.    IV. — 12 


APPENDIX 

sum  of  money  to  be  levyed,  which  sum  is  then  to  be  payd 
by  the  severall  Confederates  in  proporcon  according  to 
the  fourth  Article. 

X.  That  in  extraordinary  occations  when  meetings 
are  summoned  by  three  Majistrats  of  any  Jurisdiccon,  or 
two  as  in  the  fift  Article,  If  any  of  the  Commissioners  come 
not,  due  warneing  being  given  or  sent,  It  is  agreed  that 
foure  of  the  Commissioners  shall  have  power  to  direct  a 
warr  which  cannot  be  delayed  and  to  send  for  due  proporcons 
of  men  out  of  eich  Jurisdiccon,  as  well  as  six  might  doe  if 
all  mett;  but  not  less  than  six  shall  determine  the  justice 
of  the  warr  or  allow  the  demanude  of  bills  of  charges  or 
cause  any  levies  to  be  made  for  the  same. 

XL  It  is  further  agreed  that  if  any  of  the  Confederates 
shall  hereafter  break  any  of  these  present  Articles,  or  be 
any  other  wayes  injurious  to  any  one  of  thother  Juris- 
diccons,  such  breach  of  Agreement,  or  injurie,  shalbe  duly 
considered  and  ordered  by  the  Commissioners  for  thother 
Jurisdiccons,  that  both  peace  and  this  present  Confederacon 
may  be  entirely  preserued  without  violation. 

XII.  Lastly,  this  perpetuall  Confederacon  and  the  sev 
eral  Articles  and  Agreements  thereof  being  read  and  serious 
ly  considered,  both  by  the  Generall  Court  for  the  Massachu 
setts,  and  by  the  Commissioners  for  Plymouth,  Connectacutt 
and  New  Haven,  were  fully  allowed  and  confirmed  by  three 
of  the  forenamed  Confederates,  namely,  the  Massachusetts, 
Connectacutt  and  New-Haven,  Onely  the  Commissioners 
for  Plymouth,  having  no  Commission  to  conclude,  desired 
respite  till  they  might  advise  with  their  Generall  Court, 
wherevpon  it  was  agreed  and  concluded  by  the  said  court 
of  the  Massachusetts,  and  the  Commissioners  for  the  other 
two  Confederates,  That  if  Plymouth  Consent,  then  the 
whole  treaty  as  it  stands  in  these  present  articles  is  and 
shall  continue  firme  and  stable  without  alteracon:  But 
if  Plymouth  come  not  in,  yet  the  other  three  Confederates 


APPENDIX 

doe  by  these  presents  confirme  the  whole  Confederacon 
and  all  the  Articles  thereof,  onely,  in  September  next,  when 
the  second  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  is  to  be  at  Bostone, 
new  consideracon  may  be  taken  of  the  sixt  Article,  which 
concernes  number  of  Commissioners  for  meeting  and  con 
cluding  the  affaires  of  this  Confederacon  to  the  satisfaccon 
of  the  court  of  the  Massachusetts,  and  the  Commissioners 
for  thother  two  Confederates,  but  the  rest  to  stand  vnques- 
tioned. 

In  testymony  whereof,  the  Generall  Court  of  the  Mas 
sachusetts  by  their  Secretary,  and  the  Commissioners 
for  Connectacutt  and  New-Haven  haue  subscribed  these 
presente  articles,  this  xixth  of  the  third  month,  commonly 
called  May,  Anno  Domini,  1643. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Commissioners  for  the  Confederacon, 
held  at  Boston,  the  Ssaventh  of  September.  It  appeareing 
that  the  Generall  Court  of  New  Plymouth,  and  the  severall 
Towneships  thereof  have  read,  considered  and  approoued 
these  articles  of  Confederacon,  as  appeareth  by  Comission 
from  their  Generall  Court  beareing  Date  the  xxixth  of 
August,  1643,  to  Mr.  Edward  Winslowe  and  Mr.  Will  Collyer, 
to  ratifye  and  confirme  the  same  on  their  behalf,  wee  there 
fore,  the  Comissioners  for  the  Mattachusetts,  Conecktacutt 
and  New  Haven,  doe  also  for  our  seuerall  Gouernments, 
subscribe  vnto  them. 

JOHN  WlNTHROP,  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 
THO.  DUDLEY, 

THEOPH.  EATON, 

GEO.  FENWICK, 

EDWA.  HOPKINS, 

THOMAS  GREGSON. 


PENN'S  PLAN  OF  UNION— 1697. 

MR.  PENN'S  PLAN  FOR  A  UNION  OF  THE  COLONIES 
IN  AMERICA.! 

A  BRIEFE  and  Plaine  Scheam  how  the  English  Colo 
nies  in  the  North  parts  of  America,  viz. :  Boston,  Connec 
ticut,  Road  Island,  New  York,  New  Jerseys,  Pensilvania, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  and  Carolina  may  be  made  more 
usefull  to  the  Crowne,  and  one  another's  peace  and  safty 
with  an  universall  concurrence. 

1st.  That  the  severall  Colonies  before  mentioned  do 
meet  once  a  year,  and  oftener  if  need  be,  during  the  war, 
and  at  least  once  in  two  years  in  times  of  peace,  by  their 
stated  and  appointed  Deputies,  to  debate  and  resolve  of 
such  measures  as  are  most  adviseable  for  their  better  un 
derstanding,  and  the  public  tranquility  and  safety. 

2d.  That  in  order  to  it  two  persons  well  qualified  for 
sence,  sobriety  and  substance  be  appointed  by  each  Prov 
ince,  as  their  Representatives  or  Deputies,  which  in  the 
whole  make  the  Congress  to  consist  of  twenty  persons. 

3d.  That  the  King's  Commissioner  for  that  purpose 
specially  appointed  shall  have  the  chaire  and  preside  in 
the  said  Congresse. 

4th.  That  they  shall  meet  as  near  as  conveniently  may 
be  to  the  most  centrall  Colony  for  use  of  the  Deputies. 

5th.  Since  that  may  in  all  probability,  be  New  York 
both  because  it  is  near  the  Center  of  the  Colonies  and  for 
that  it  is  a  Frontier  and  in  the  King's  nomination,  the  Govr. 

1  See  page  32,  vol.  iii.  1 68 


APPENDIX 

-- 

of  that  Colony  may  therefore  also  be  the  King's  High 
Commissioner  during  the  Session  after  the  manner  of 
Scotland. 

6th.  That  their  business  shall  be  to  hear  and  adjust 
all  matters  of  Complaint  or  difference  between  Province 
and  Province.  As,  1st,  where  persons  quit  their  own  Prov 
ince  and  goe  to  another,  that  they  may  avoid  their  just 
debts,  tho  they  be  able  to  pay  them,  2nd,  where  offenders 
fly  Justice,  or  Justice  cannot  well  be  had  upon  such  of 
fenders  in  the  Provinces  that  entertaine  them,  3dly,  to 
prevent  or  cure  injuries  in  point  of  Commerce,  4th,  to  con 
sider  of  ways  and  means  to  support  the  union  and  safety 
of  these  Provinces  against  the  publick  enemies.  In  which 
Congresse  the  Quotas  of  men  and  charges  will  be  much 
easier,  and  more  equally  sett,  then  it  is  possible  for  any  es 
tablishment  made  here  to  do;  for  the  Provinces,  knowing 
their  own  condition  and  one  another's,  can  debate  that 
matter'  with  more  freedome  and  satisfaction  and  better 
adjust  and  ballance  their  affairs  in  all  respects  for  their 
common  safty. 

7ly.  That  in  times  of  war  the  King's  High  Commis 
sioner  shall  be  generall  or  chief  Commander  of  the  sev- 
erall  Quotas  upon  service  against  a  common  enemy  as 
he  shall  be  advised,  for  the  good  and  benefit  of  the  whole. 


FRANKLIN'S  PLAN  OF  UNION— 1754.1 

PLAN  of  a  proposed  Union  of  the  several  Colonies  of 
Massachusetts-Bay,  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  Rhode 
Island,  New- York,  New- Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina  for  their 
mutual  Defence  and  Security,  and  for  the  extending  the 
British  Settlements  in  North  America. 

That  humble  application  be  made  for  an  act  of  Parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain,  by  virtue  of  which  one  general  gov 
ernment  may  be  formed  in  America,  including  all  the  said 
Colonies,  within  and  under  which  government  each  Colony 
may  retain  its  present  constitution,  except  in  the  particulars 
wherein  a  change  may  be  directed  by  the  said  act,  as  here 
after  follows. 

PRESIDENT-GENERAL  AND  GRAND  COUNCIL. 

That  the  said  general  government  be  administered  by 
a  President-General,  to  be  appointed  and  supported  by 
the  crown;  and  a  Grand  Council  to  be  chosen  by  the  rep 
resentatives  of  the  people  of  the  several  Colonies  met  in 
their  respective  assemblies. 

It  was  thought  that  it  would  be  best  the  President-General  should 
be  supported  as  well  as  appointed  by  the  crown,  that  so  all  disputes 
between  him  and  the  Grand-Council  concerning  his  salary  might 
"be  prevented  ;  as  such  disputes  have  been  frequently  of  mischievous 
consequence  in  particular  Colonies,  especially  in  time  of  public 
danger.  The  quitrents  of  crown  lands  *in  America  might  in  a 
short  time  be  sufficient  for  this  purpose.  The  choice  of  members 

1  See  page  114,  vol.  iii.  I7O 


APPENDIX 

for  the  Grand-Council  is  placed  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
of  each  government,  in  order  to  give  the  people  a  share  in  this  new 
general  government,  as  the  crown  has  its  share  by  the  appoint 
ment  of  the  President-General. 

But  it  being  proposed  by  the  gentlemen  of  the  Council  of  New 
York,  and  some  other  counsellors  among  the  commissioners,  to 
alter  the  plan  in  this  particular,  and  to  give  the  governors  and 
councils  of  the  several  Provinces  a  share  in  the  choice  of  the  Grand- 
Council,  or  at  least  a  power  of  approving  and  confirming,  or  of 
disallowing,  the  choice  made  by  the  House  of  Representatives, 
it  was  said, — "  That  the  government  or  constitution,  proposed 
to  be  formed  by  the  plan,  consists  of  two  branches:  a  President- 
General  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  a  Council  chosen  by  the  peo 
ple,  or  by  the  people's  representatives,  which  is  the  same  thing. 

"  That,  by  a  subsequent  article,  the  council  chosen  by  the  people 
can  effect  nothing  without  the  consent  of  the  President-General 
appointed  by  the  crown;  the  crown  possesses,  therefore,  full  one 
half  of  the  power  of  this  constitution. 

"  That  in  the  British  constitution,  the  crown  is  supposed  to 
possess  but  one  third,  the  Lords  having  their  share. 

"  That  the  constitution  seemed  rather  more  favorable  for  the 
crown. 

"  That  it  is  essential  to  English  liberty  that  the  subject  should 
not  be  taxed  but  by  his  own  consent,  or  the  consent  of  his  elected 
representatives. 

"  That  taxes  to  be  laid  and  levied  by  this  proposed  constitution 
will  be  proposed  and  agreed  to  by  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
if  the  plan  in  this  particular  be  preserved. 

"  But  if  the  proposed  alteration  should  take  place,  it  seemed 
as  if  matters  may  be  so  managed,  as  that  the  crown  shall  finally 
have  the  appointment,  not  only  of  the  President-General,  but  of  a 
majority  of  the  Grand-Council ;  for  seven  out  of  eleven  governors 
and  councils  are  appointed  by  the  crown. 

"And  so  the  people  in  all  the  Colonies  would  in  effect  be  taxed 
by  their  governors. 

"  It  was  therefore  apprehended,  that  such  alterations  of  the 
plan  would  give  great  dissatisfaction,  and  that  the  Colonies  could 
not  be  easy  under  such  a  power  in  governors,  and  such  an  infringe 
ment  of  what  they  take  to  be  English  liberty. 

"  Besides,  the  giving  a  share  in  the  choice  of  the  Grand  Council 
would  not  be  equal  with  respect  to  all  the  Colonies,  as  their  con 
stitutions  differ.  In  some,  both  governor  and  council  are  appointed 
by  the  crown.  In  others,  they  are  both  appointed  by  the  proprietors. 


APPENDIX 

In  some,  the  people  have  a  share  in  the  choice  of  the  council;  in 
others,  both  government  and  council  are  wholly  chosen  by  the 
people.  But  the  House  of  Representatives  is  everywhere  chosen 
by  the  people;  and,  therefore,  placing  the  right  of  choosing  the 
Grand  Council  in  the  representatives  is  equal  with  respect  to  all. 

"  That  the  Grand  Council  is  intended  to  represent  all  the  several 
Houses  of  Representatives  of  the  Colonies,  as  a  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  doth  the  several  towns  or  counties  of  a  Colony.  Could 
all  the  people  of  a  Colony  be  consulted  and  unite  in  public  meas 
ures,  a  House  of  Representatives  would  be  needless,  and  could 
all  the  Assemblies  consult  and  unite  in  general  measures,  the 
Grand  Council  would  be  unnecessary. 

"  That  a  House  of  Commons  or  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  the  Grand  Council  are  alike  in  their  nature  and  intention. 
And,  as  it  would  seem  improper  that  the  King  or  House  of  Lords 
should  have  a  power  of  disallowing  or  appointing  Members  of  the 
House  of  Commons;  so,  likewise,  that  a  governor  and  council 
appointed  by  the  crown  should  have  a  power  of  disallowing  or 
appointing  members  of  the  Grand  Council,  who,  in  this  constitution, 
are  to  be  the  representatives  of  the  people. 

"  If  the  governor  and  councils  therefore  were  to  have  a  share 
in  the  choice  of  any  that  are  to  conduct  this  general  government, 
it  should  seem  more  proper  that  they  should  choose  the  President- 
General.  But  this  being  an  office  of  great  trust  and  importance 
to  the  nation,  it  was  thought  better  to  be  filled  by  the  immediate 
appointment  of  the  crown. 

"  The  power  proposed  to  be  given  by  the  plan  to  the  Grand  Council 
is  only  a  concentration  of  the  powers  of  the  several  assemblies  in 
certain  points  for  the  general  welfare ;  as  the  power  of  the  President- 
General  is  of  the  several  governors  in  the  same  point. 

"  And  as  the  choice  therefore  of  the  Grand  Council,  by  the  rep 
resentatives  of  the  people,  neither  gives  the  people  any  new  powers, 
nor  diminishes  the  power  of  the  crown,  it  was  thought  and  hoped 
the  crown  would  not  disapprove  of  it." 

Upon  the  whole,  the  commissioners  were  of  opinion,  that  the 
choice  was  most  properly  placed  in  the  representatives  of  the  people. 

ELECTION  OF  MEMBERS. 

That  within  months  after  the  passing  such  act, 

the  House  of  Representatives  that  happens  to  be  sitting 
within  that  time,  or  that  shall  be  especially  for  that  pur- 

172 


APPENDIX 

pose  convened,   may  and   shall  choose  members  for  the 
Grand  Council,  in  the  following  proportion,  that  is  to  say, 

Massachusetts  Bay 7 

New  Hampshire 2 

Connecticut 5 

Rhode  Island , 2 

New  York , '. 4 

New  Jersey , 3 

Pennsylvania 6 

Maryland 4 

Virginia 7 

North  Carolina 4 

South  Carolina 4 

48 

It  was  thought,  that  if  the  least  Colony  was  allowed  two,  and 
the  others  in  proportion,  the  number  would  be  very  great,  and 
the  expense  heavy  ;  and  that  less  than  two  would  not  be  convenient, 
as,  a  single  person  being  by  any  accident  prevented  appearing 
at  the  meeting,  the  Colony  he  ought  appear  for  would  not  be  rep 
resented.  That,  as  the  choice  was  not  immediately  popular, 
they  would  be  generally  men  of  good  abilities  for  business,  and 
men  of  reputation  for  integrity,  and  that  forty-eight  such  men 
might  be  a  number  sufficient.  But,  though  it  was  thought  rea 
sonable  that  each  Colony  should  have  a  share  in  the  representative 
body  in  some  degree  according  to  the  proportion  it  contributed 
fco  the  general  treasury,  yet  the  proportion  of  wealth  or  power  of 
the  Colonies  is  not  to  be  judged  by  the  proportion  here  fixed :  be 
cause  it  was  at  first  agreed,  that  the  greatest  Colony  should  not 
have  more  than  seven  members,  nor  the  least  less  than  two ;  and 
the  setting  these  proportions  between  these  two  extremes  was 
not  nicely  attended  to,  as  it  would  find  itself,  after  the  first  election, 
from  the  sum  brought  into  the  treasury  by  a  subsequent  article. 

PLACE  OF  FIRST  MEETING. 

— Who  shall  meet  for  the  first  time  at  the  city  of  Phila 
delphia  in  Pennsylvania,  being  called  by  the  President- 
General  as  soon  as  conveniently  may  be  after  his  appoint 
ment 

173 


APPENDIX 

Philadelphia  was  named  as  being  nearer  the  centre  of  the  Colonies, 
where  the  commissioners  would  be  well  and  cheaply  accommodated. 
The  high  roads,  through  the  whole  extent,  are  for  the  most  part 
very  good,  in  which  forty  or  fifty  miles  a  day  may  very  well  be, 
and  frequently  are,  travelled.  Great  part  of  the  way  may  likewise 
be  gone  by  water.  In  summer  time,  the  passages  are  frequently 
performed  in  a  week  from  Charleston  to  Philadelphia  and  New 
York,  and  from  Rhode  Island  to  New  York  through  the  Sound, 
in  two  or  three  days,  and  from  New  York  to  Philadelphia,  by  water 
and  land,  in  two  days,  by  stage  boats,  and  street  carriages  that  set 
out  every  other  day.  The  journey  from  Charleston  to  Philadelphia 
may  likewise  be  facilitated  by  boats  running  up  Chesapeake  Bay 
three  hundred  miles.  But  if  the  whole  journey  be  performed  on 
horseback,  the  most  distant  members,  viz.,  the  two  from  New  Hamp 
shire  and  from  South  Carolina,  may  probably  render  themselves 
at  Philadelphia  in  fifteen  or  twenty  days;  the  majority  maybe 
there  in  much  less  time. 

NEW  ELECTION. 

That  there  shall  be  a  new  election  of  the  members  of 
the  Grand  Council  every  three  years;  and,  on  the  death 
or  resignation  of  any  member,  his  place  should  be  sup 
plied  by  a  new  choice  at  the  next  sitting  of  the  Assembly 
of  the  Colony  he  represented. 

Some  Colonies  have  annual  assemblies,  some  continue  during 
a  governor's  pleasure ;  three  years  was  thought  a  reasonable  me 
dium  as  affording  a  new  member  time  to  improve  himself  in  the 
business,  and  to  act  after  such  improvement,  and  yet  giving  op 
portunities,  frequently  enough,  to  change  him  if  he  has  misbe 
haved. 

PROPORTION  OF  MEMBERS  AFTER  THE  FIRST  THREE 

YEARS. 

That  after  the  first  three  years,  when  the  proportion 
of  money  arising  out  of  each  Colony  to  the  general  treas 
ury  can  be  known,  the  number  of  members  to  be  chosen 
for  each  Colony  shall,  from  time  to  time,  in  all  ensuing 
elections,  be  regulated  by  that  proportion,  yet  so  as  that 

'74 


APPENDIX 

the  number  to  be  chosen  by  any  one  Province  be  not  more 
than  seven,  nor  less  than  two. 

By  a  subsequent  article,  it  is  proposed  that  the  General  Council 
shall  lay  and  levy  such  general  duties  as  to  them  may  appear  most 
equal  and  least  burdensome,  etc.  Suppose,  for  instance,  they 
lay  a  small  duty  or  excise  on  some  commodity  imported  into  or 
made  in  the  Colonies,  and  pretty  generally  and  equally  used  in 
all  of  them,  as  rum,  perhaps,  or  wine ;  the  yearly  produce  of  this 
duty  or  excise,  if  fairly  collected,  would  be  in  some  Colonies  greater, 
in  others  less,  as  the  Colonies  are  greater  or  smaller.  When  the 
collector's  accounts  are  brought  in,  the  proportions  will  appear ; 
and  from  them  it  is  proposed  to  regulate  the  proportion  of  the  rep 
resentatives  to  be  chosen  at  the  next  general  election,  within  the 
limits,  however,  of  seven  and  two.  These  numbers  may  therefore 
vary  in  the  course  of  years,  as  the  Colonies  may  in  the  growth 
and  increase  of  people.  And  thus  the  quota  of  tax  from  each 
Colony  would  naturally  vary  with  its  circumstances,  thereby 
preventing  all  disputes  and  dissatisfaction  about  the  just  pro 
portions  due  from  each,  which  might  otherwise  produce  penicious 
consequences,  and  destroy  the  harmony  and  good  agreement 
that  ought  to  subsist  between  the  several  parts  of  the  Union. 

MEETINGS  OF  THE  GRAND  COUNCIL  AND  CALL. 

That  the  Grand  Council  shall  meet  once  in  every  year, 
and  oftener  if  occasion  require,  at  such  time  and  place  as 
they  shall  adjourn  to  at  the  last  preceding  meeting,  or  as 
they  shall  be  called  to  meet  at  by  the  President-General 
on  any  emergency;  he  having  first  obtained  in  writing 
the  consent  of  seven  of  the  members  to  such  call,  and  sent 
due  and  timety  notice  to  the  whole. 

It  was  thought,  in  establishing  and  governing  new  Colonies  or 
settlements,  or  regulating  Indian  trade,  Indian  treaties,  etc.,  there 
would,  every  year,  sufficient  business  arise  to  require  at  least  one 
meeting,  and  at  such  meeting  many  things  might  be  suggested 
for  the  benefit  of  all  the  Colonies.  This  annual  meeting  may 
either  be  at  a  time  and  place  certain,  to  be  fixed  by  the  President- 
General  and  Grand  Council  at  their  first  meeting ;  or  left  at  liberty, 
to  be  at  such  time  and  place  as  they  shall  adjourn  to,  or  be  called 
to  meet  at,  by  the  President-General. 

175 


APPENDIX 

In  time  of  war,  it  seems  convenient  that  the  meeting  should 
be  in  that  colony  which  is  nearest  the  seat  of  action. 

The  power  of  calling  them  on  any  emergency  seemed  necessary 
to  be  vested  in  the  President-General ;  but,  that  such  power  might 
not  be  wantonly  used  to  harass  the  members,  and  oblige  them 
to  make  frequent  long  journeys  to  little  purpose,  the  consent  of 
seven  at  least  to  such  call  was  supposed  a  convenient  guard. 

CONTINUANCE. 

That  the  Grand  Council  have  power  to  choose  their 
speaker;  and  shall  neither  be  dissolved,  prorogued,  nor  con 
tinued  sitting  longer  than  six  weeks  at  one  time,  without 
their  own  consent  or  the  special  command  of  the  crown. 

The  speaker  should  be  presented  for  approbation;  it  being  con 
venient,  to  prevent  misunderstandings  and  disgusts,  that  the 
mouth  of  the  Council  should  be  a  person  agreeable,  if  possible, 
to  the  Council  and  President-General. 

Governors  have  sometimes  wantonly  exercised  the  power  of 
proroguing  or  continuing  the  sessions  of  assemblies,  merely  to 
harass  the  members  and  compel  a  compliance;  and  sometimes 
dissolve  them  on  slight  disgusts.  This  it  was  feared  might 
be  done  by  the  President-General,  if  not  provided  against;  and 
the  inconvenience  and  hardship  would  be  greater  in  the  general 
government  than  in  particular  Colonies,  in  proportion  to  the  dis 
tance  the  members  must  be  from  home  during  sittings,  and  the 
long  journeys  some  of  them  must  necessarily  take. 

MEMBERS'  ALLOWANCE. 

That  the  members  of  the  Grand  Council  shall  be  allowed 
for  their  service  ten  shillings  per  diem,  during  their  session 
and  journey  to  and  from  the  place  of  meeting;  twenty  miles 
to  be  reckoned  a  day's  journey. 

It  was  thought  proper  to  allow  some  wages,  lest  the  expense 
might  deter  some  suitable  persons  from  the  service;  and  not  to 
allow  too  great  wages,  lest  unsuitable  persons  should  be  tempted 
to  cabal  for  the  employment,  for  the  sake  of  gain.  Twenty  miles 
were  set  down  as  a  day's  journey,  to  allow  for  accidental  hindrances 
on  the  road,  and  the  greater  expenses  of  travelling  than  residing 
at  the  place  of  meeting. 

I76 


APPENDIX 

ASSENT    OF    PRESIDENT-GENERAL    AND    HIS    DUTY. 

That  the  assent  of  the  President-General  be  requisite 
to  all  acts  of  the  Grand  Council,  and  that  it  be  his  office 
and  duty  to  cause  them  to  be  carried  into  execution. 

The  assent  of  the  President-General  to  all  acts  of  the  Grand 
Council  was  made  necessary  in  order  to  give  the  crown  its  due 
share  of  influence  in  this  government,  and  connect  it  with  that  of 
Great  Britain.  The  President-General,  besides  one  half  of  the 
legislative  power,  hath  in  his  hands  the  whole  executive  power. 

POWER  OF  PRESIDENT-GENERAL  AND  GRAND  COUN 
CIL,  TREATIES  OF  PEACE  AND  WAR. 

That  the  President-General,  with  the  advice  of  the  Grand 
Council,  hold  or  direct  all  Indian  treaties,  in  which  the 
general  interest  of  the  Colonies  may  be  concerned,  and 
make  peace  or  declare  war  with  Indian  nations. 

The  power  of  making  peace  or  war  with  Indian  nations  is  at  pres 
ent  supposed  to  be  in  every  Colony,  and  is  expressly  granted  to 
some  by  charter,  so  that  no  new  power  is  hereby  intended  to  be 
granted  to  the  Colonies.  But  as,  in  consequence  of  this  power, 
one  Colony  might  make  peace  with  a  nation  that  another  was  justly 
engaged  in  war  with ;  or  make  war  on  slight  occasion  without 
the  concurrence  or  approbation  of  neighboring  Colonies,  greatly 
endangered  by  it ;  or  make  particular  treaties  of  neutrality  in  case  of 
a  general  war,  to  their  own  private  advantage  in  trade,  by  supply 
ing  the  common  enemy,  of  all  which  there  have  been  instances, 
it  was  thought  better  to  have  all  treaties  of  a  general  nature  under 
a  general  direction,  that  so  the  good  qf  the  whole  may  be  consulted 
and  provided  for. 

INDIAN  TRADE. 

That  they  make  such  laws  as  they  judge  necessary  for 
regulating  all  Indian  trade. 

Many  quarrels  and  wars  have  arisen  between  the  colonies  and 
Indian  nations,  through  the  bad  conduct  of  traders,  who  cheat 
the  Indians  after  making  them  drunk,  etc.,  to  the  great  expense 
of  the  colonies,  both  in  blood  and  treasure.  Particular  colonies 
are  so  interested  in  the  trade,  as  not  to  be  willing  to  admit  such 

177 


APPENDIX 

a  regulation  as  might  be  best  for  the  whole ;  and  therefore  it  was 
thought  best  under  a  general  direction. 

INDIAN  PURCHASES. 

That  they  make  all  purchases  from  Indians,  for  the 
crown,  of  lands  not  now  within  the  bounds  of  particular 
colonies,  or  that  shall  not  be  within  their  bounds  when 
some  of  them  are  reduced  to  more  convenient  dimensions. 

Purchases  from  the  Indians,  made  by  private  persons,  have 
been  attended  with  many  inconveniences.  They  have  frequently 
interfered  and  occasioned  uncertainty  of  titles,  many  disputes 
and  expensive  lawsuits,  and  hindered  the  settlement  of  the  land 
so  disputed.  Then  the  Indians  have  been  cheated  by  such  private 
purchases,  and  discontent  and  wars  have  been  the  consequence. 
These  would  be  prevented  by  public  fair  purchases. 

Several  of  the  Colony  charters  in  America  extend  their  bounds 
to  the  South  Sea,  which  may  perhaps  be  three  or  four  thousand 
mihs  in  length  to  one  or  two  thundred  miles  in  breadth.  It  is 
supposed  they  must  in  time  be  reduced  to  dimensions  more  con 
venient  for  the  common  purposes  of  government. 

Very  little  of  the  land  in  these  grants  is  yet  purchased  of  the 
Indians. 

It  is  much  cheaper  to  purchase  of  them,  than  to  take  and  maintain 
the  possession  by  force ;  for  they  are  generally  very  reasonable 
in  their  demands  for  land ;  and  the  expense  of  guarding  a  large 
frontier  against  their  incursions  is  vastly  great ;  because  all  must 
be  guarded,  and  always  guarded,  as  we  know  not  where  or  when 
to  expect  them. 

NEW  SETTLEMENTS. 

That  they  make  new  settlements  on  such  purchases  by 
granting  lands  in  the  King's  name,  reserving  a  quit-rent 
to  the  crown  for  the  use  of  the  general  treasury. 

It  is  supposed  better  that  there  should  be  one  purchaser  than 
many ;  and  that  the  crown  should  be  that  purchaser,  or  the  Union 
in  the  name  of  the  crown.  By  this  means  the  bargains  may  be 
more  easily  made,  the  price  not  enhanced  by  numerous  bidders, 
future  disputes  about  private  Indian  purchases,  and  monopolies 
of  vast  tracts  to  particular  persons  (which  are  prejudicial  to  the 
settlement  and  peopling  of  the  country),  prevented ;  and,  the  land 

I78 


APPENDIX 

being  again  granted  in  small  tracts  to  the  settlers,  the  quit-rents 
reserved  may  in  time  become  a  fund  for  support  of  government, 
for  defence  of  the  country,  ease  of  taxes,  etc. 

Strong  forts  on  the  Lakes,  the  Ohio,  etc.,  may,  at  the  same  time 
they  secure  our  present  frontiers,  serve  to  defend  new  colonies 
settled  under  their  protection ;  and  such  colonies  would  also  mut 
ually  defend  and  support  such  forts,  and  better  secure  the  friend 
ship  of  the  far  Indians. 

A  particular  colony  has  scarce  strength  enough  to  exert  itself 
by  new  settlements,  at  so  great  a  distance  from  the  old ;  but  the 
joint  force  of  the  Union  might  suddenly  establish  a  new  colony 
or  two  in  those  parts,  or  extend  an  old  colony  to  particular  passes, 
greatly  to  the  security  of  our  present  frontiers,  increase  of  trade 
and  people,  breaking  off  the  French  communication  between  Canada 
and  Louisiana,  and  speedy  settlement  of  the  intermediate  lands. 

The  power  of  settling  new  colonies  is  therefore  thought  a  valuable 
part  of  the  plan,  and  what  cannot  so  well  be  executed  by  two  unions 
as  by  one. 

LAWS  TO  GOVERN  THEM. 

That  -they  make  laws  for  regulating  and  governing  such 
new  settlements,  till  the  crown  shall  think  fit  to  form  them 
into  particular  governments. 

The  making  of  laws  suitable  for  the  new  colonies,  it  was  thought, 
would  be  properly  vested  in  the  president-general  and  grand  council  ; 
under  whose  protection  they  must  at  first  necessarily  be,  and  who 
would  be  well  acquainted  with  their  circumstances,  as  having 
settled  them.  When  they  are  become  sufficiently  populous,  they 
may  by  the  crown  be  formed  into  complete  and  distinct  govern 
ments. 

The  appointment  of  a  sub-president  by  the  crown,  to  take  place 
in  case  of  the  death  or  absence  of  the  president-general,  would 
perhaps  be  an  improvement  of  the  plan ;  and  if  all  the  governors  of 
particular  provinces  were  to  be  formed  into  a  standing  council 
of  state,  for  the  advice  and  assistance  of  the  president-general, 
it  might  be  another  considerable  improvement. 

RAISE  SOLDIERS,  AND  EQUIP  VESSELS,   ETC. 

That  they  raise  and  pay  soldiers  and  build  forts  for  the 
defence  of  any  of  the  colonies,  and  equip  vessels  of  force 

179 


APPENDIX 

to  guard  the  coasts  and  protect  the  trade  on  the  ocean, 
lakes,  or  great  rivers;  but  they  shall  not  impress  men  in 
any  colony,  without  the  consent  of  the  legislature. 

It  was  thought,  that  quotas  of  men,  to  be  raised  and  paid  by 
the  several  colonies,  and  joined  for  any  public  service,  could  not 
always  be  got  together  with  the  necessary  expedition.  For  in 
stance,  suppose  one  thousand  men  should  be  wanted  in  New  Hamp 
shire  on  any  emergency.  To  fetch  them  by  fifties  and  hundreds 
out  of  every  colony,  as  far  as  South  Carolina,  would  be  inconvenient, 
the  transportation  chargeable,  and  the  occasion  perhaps  passed 
before  they  could  be  assembled ;  and  therefore  it  would  be  best  to 
raise  them  (by  offering  bounty  money  and  pay)  near  the  place 
where  they  would  be  wanted,  to  be  discharged  again  when  the 
service  should  be  over. 

Particular  colonies  are  at  present  backward  to  build  forts  a1 
their  own  expense,  which  they  say  will  be  equally  useful  to  theii 
neighboring  colonies,  who  refuse  to  join,  on  a  presumption  thai 
such  forts  will  be  built  and  kept  up,  though  they  contribute  nothing 
This  unjust  conduct  weakens  the  whole;  but,  the  forts  being  for 
the  good  of  the  whole,  it  was  thought  best  they  should  be  built 
and  maintained  by  the  whole,  out  of  the  common  treasury 

In  the  time  of  war,  small  vessels  of  force  are  sometimes  necessary 
in  the  colonies  to  scour  the  coasts  of  small  privateers.  These 
being  provided  by  the  Union  will  be  an  advantage  in  turn  to  the 
colonies  which  are  situated  on  the  sea,  and  whose  frontiers  on  the 
land-side,  being  covered  by  other  colonies,  reap  but  little  immediate 
benefit  from  the  advanced  forts. 

POWER  TO  MAKE  LAWS,  LAY  DUTIES,  ETC. 

That  for  these  purposes  they  have  power  to  make  laws 
and  lay  and  levy  such  general  duties,  imposts  or  taxes, 
as  to  them  shall  appear  most  equal  and  just  (considering 
the  ability  and  other  circumstances  of  the  inhabitants  in 
the  several  colonies),  and  such  as  may  be  collected  with 
the  least  inconvenience  to  the  people;  rather  discourag 
ing  luxury,  than  loading  industry  with  unnecessary  bur 
dens. 

The  laws  which  the   president-general   and  grand  council  are 

1 80 


APPENDIX 

empowered  to  make  are  such  only  as  shall  be  necessary  for  the 
government  of  the  settlements;  the  raising,  regulating,  and  pay 
ing  soldiers  for  the  general  service ;  the  regulating  of  Indian  trade ; 
and  laying  and  collecting  the  general  duties  and  taxes.  They 
should  also  have  a  power  to  restrain  the  exportation  of  provisions 
to  the  enemy  from  any  of  the  colonies,  on  particular  occasions,  in 
time  of  war.  But  it  is  not  intended  that  they  may  interfere  with 
the  constitution  or  government  of  the  particular  colonies,  who 
are  to  be  left  to  their  own  laws,  and  to  lay,  levy  and  apply  their 
own  taxes  as  before. 

GENERAL  TREASURER  AND  PARTICULAR  TREASURER. 

That  they  may  appoint  a  General  Treasurer,  and  Par 
ticular  Treasurer  in  government  when  necessary;  and, 
from  time  to  time,  may  order  the  sums  in  the  treasuries 
of  each  government  into  the  general  treasury,  or  draw 
on  them  for  special  payments,  as  they  find  most  conven 
ient. 

The  treasurers  here  meant  are  only  for  the  general  funds  and 
not  for  the  particular  funds  of  each  colony,  which  remain  in  the 
hands  of  their  own  treasurers  at  their  own  disposal. 

MONEY,  HOW  TO  ISSUE. 

Yet  no  money  to  issue  but  by  joint  orders  of  the  Pres 
ident-General  and  Grand  Council,  except  where  sums  have 
been  appointed  to  particular  purposes,  and  the  President- 
General  is  previously  empowered  by  an  act  to  draw  such 
sums. 

To  prevent  misapplication  of  the  money,  or  even  application 
that  might  be  dissatisfactory  to  the  crown  or  the  people,  it  was 
thought  necessary  to  join  the  president-general  and  grand  council 
in  all  issues  of  money. 

ACCOUNTS. 

That  the  general  accounts  shall  be  yearly  settled  and 
reported  to  the  several  Assemblies. 

VOL.    IV.— 13 


APPENDIX 

By  communicating  the  accounts  yearly  to  each  Assembly, 
they  will  be  satisfied  of  the  prudent  and  honest  conduct  of  their 
representatives  in  the  grand  council. 

QUORUM. 

That  a  quorum  of  the  Grand  Council,  empowered  to 
act  with  the  President-General,  do  consist  of  twenty-five 
members;  among  whom  there  shall  be  one  or  more  from 
a  majority  of  the  Colonies. 

The  quorum  seems  large,  but  it  was  thought  it  would  not  be 
satisfactory  to  the  colonies  in  general,  to  have  matters  of  impor 
tance  to  the  whole  transacted  by  a  smaller  number,  or  even  by  this 
number  of  twenty-five,  unless  there  were  among  them  one  at  least 
from  a  majority  of  the  colonies,  because  otherwise,  the  whole  quorum 
being  made  up  of  members  from  three  or  four  colonies  at  one  end 
of  the  union,  something  might  be  done  that  would  not  be  equal 
with  respect  to  the  rest,  and  thence  dissatisfaction  and  discords 
might  rise  to  the  prejudice  of  the  whole. 

LAWS  TO  BE  TRANSMITTED. 

That  the  laws  made  by  them  for  the  purposes  aforesaid 
shall  not  be  repugnant,  but,  as  near  as  may  be,  agreeable 
to  the  laws  of  England,  and  shall  be  transmitted  to  the 
King  in  Council  for  approbation,  as  soon  as  may  be  after 
their  passing;  and  if  not  disapproved  within  three  years 
after  presentation,  to  remain  in  force. 

This  was  thought  necessary  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  crown, 
to  preserve  the  connection  of  the  parts  of  the  British  empire  with 
the  whole,  of  the  members  with  the  head,  and  to  induce  greater 
care  and  circumspection  in  making  of  the  laws,  that  they  be  good 
in  themselves  and  for  the  general  benefit. 

DEATH  OF  THE  PRESIDENT-GENERAL. 

That,  in  case  of  the  death  of  the  President-General,  the 
Speaker  of  the  Grand  Council  for  the  time  being  shall  sue- 

182 


APPENDIX 

ceed,  and  be  vested  with  the  same  powers  and  authorities, 
to  continue  till  the  King's  pleasure  be  known. 

It  might  be  better,  perhaps,  as  was  said  before,  if  the  crown 
appointed  a  vice-president,  to  take  place  on  the  death  or  absence 
of  the  president-general ;  for  so  we  should  be  more  sure  of  a  suitable 
person  at  the  head  of  the  colonies.  On  the  death  or  absence  of 
both,  the  speaker  to  take  place  (or  rather  the  eldest  King's  govern 
or)  till  his  Majesty's  pleasure  be  known. 

OFFICERS,  HOW  APPOINTED. 

That  all  military  commission  officers,  whether  for  land 
or  sea  service,  to  act  under  this  general  constitution,  shall 
be  nominated  by  the  President-General;  but  the  appro 
bation  of  the  Grand  Council  is  to  be  obtained,  before  they 
receive  their  commissions.  And  all  civil  officers  are  to 
be  nominated  by  the  Grand  Council,  and  to  receive  the 
President-General's  approbation  before  they  officiate. 

It  was  thought  it  might  be  very  prejudicial  to  the  service,  to 
have  officers  appointed  unknown  to  the  people  or  unacceptable, 
the  generality  of  Americans  serving  willingly  under  officers  they 
know ;  and  not  caring  to  engage  in  the  service  under  strangers,  or 
such  as  are  often  appointed  by  governors  through  favor  or  in 
terest.  The  service  here  meant,  is  not  the  stated,  settled  service 
in  standing  troops ;  but  any  sudden  and  short  service,  either  for 
defence  of  our  colonies,  or  invading  the  enemy's  country  (such 
as  the  expedition  to  Cape  Breton  in  the  last  war ;  in  which  many 
substantial  farmers  and  tradesmen  engaged  as  common  soldiers, 
under  officers  of  their  own  country,  for  whom  they  had  an  esteem 
and  affection;  who  would  not  have  engaged  in  a  standing  army, 
or  under  officers  from  England).  It  was  therefore  thought  best 
to  give  the  Council  the  power  of  approving  the  officers,  which  the 
people  will  look  on  as  a  great  security  of  their  being  good  men. 
And  without  some  such  provision  as  this,  it  was  thought  the  ex 
pense  of  engaging  man  in  the  service  on  any  emergency  would  be 
much  greater,  and  the  number  who  could  be  induced  to  engage 
much  less ;  and  that  therefore  it  would  be  most  for  the  King's  service 
and  the  general  benefit  of  the  nation,  that  the  prerogative  should 
relax  a  little  in  this  particular  throughout  all  the  colonies  in  Amer- 

183 


APPENDIX 

ica ;  as  it  had  already  done  much  more  in  the  charters  of  some  par 
ticular  colonies,  viz. :     Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island. 

The  civil  officers  will  be  chiefly  treasurers  and  collectors  of  taxes ; 
and  the  suitable  persons  are  most  likely  to  be  known  by  the  council. 

VACANCIES,  HOW  SUPPLIED. 

But,  in  case  of  vacancy  by  death  or  removal  of  any  officer 
civil  or  military,  under  this  constitution,  the  Governor 
of  the  province  in  which  such  vacancy  happens,  may  ap 
point,  till  the  pleasure  of  the  President-General  and  Grand 
Council  can  be  known. 

The  vacancies  were  thought  best  supplied  by  the  governors 
in  each  province,  till  a  new  appointment  can  be  regularly  made ; 
otherwise  the  service  might  suffer  before  the  meeting  of  the  presi 
dent-general  and  grand  council. 

EACH   COLONY   MAY  DEFEND   ITSELF  IN  EMERGENCY, 

ETC.     . 

That  the  particular  military  as  well  as  civil  establish 
ments  in  each  colony  remain  in  their  present  state,  the 
general  constitution  notwithstanding;  and  that  on  sud 
den  emergencies  any  colony  may  defend  itself,  and  lay 
the  accounts  of  expense  thence  arising  before  the  presi 
dent-general  and  general  council,  who  may  allow  and 
order  payment  of  the  same,  as  far  as  they  judge  such  ac 
counts  just  and  reasonable. 

Otherwise  the  union  of  the  whole  would  weaken  the  parts,  con 
trary  to  the  design  of  the  union.  The  accounts  are  to  be  judged 
of  by  the  president-general  and  grand  council,  and  allowed  if  found 
reasonable.  This  was  thought  necessary  to  encourage  colonies 
to  defend  themselves,  as  the  expense  would  be  liglit  when  borne 
by  the  whole;  and  also  to  check  imprudent  and  lavish  expense 
in  such  defences 


ARTICLES  OF  CONFEDERATION— 1777. » 

To  all  to  whom  these  Presents  shall  come,  we  the  under 
signed  Delegates  of  the  States  affixed  to  our  Names, 
send  greeting. 

WHEREAS  the  Delegates  of  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica  in  Congress  assembled  did  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  Novem 
ber  in  the  Year  of  our  Lord  One  Thousand  Seven  Hundred 
and  Seventyseven,  and  in  the  Second  Year  of  the  Inde 
pendence  of  America  agree  to  certain  articles  of  Confedera 
tion  and  perpetual  Union  between  the  States  of  Newhamp- 
shire,  Massachusetts-bay,  Rhodeisland  and  Providence 
Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl 
vania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  -  Carolina, 
South-Carolina  and  Georgia  in  the  Words  following,  viz. 

Articles  of  Confederation  and  perpetual  Union  between 
the  States  of  Newhampshire,  Massachusetts-bay,  Rhode- 
island  and  Providence  Plantations,  Connecticut,  New- 
York,  New- Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  North-Carolina,  South- Carolina  and  Georgia. 

ARTICLE  I.  The  stile  of  this  confederacy  shall  be  "  The 
United  States  of  America." 

ARTICLE  II.  Each  State  retains  its  sovereignty,  free 
dom  and  independence,  and  every  power,  jurisdiction  and 
right,  which  is  not  by  this  confederation  expressly  delegated 
to  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled. 

ARTICLE  III.  The  said   States  hereby  severally   enter 

1  See  page  20,  vol.  v.  j  g  r 


APPENDIX 

into  a  firm  league  of  friendship  with  each  other,  for  their 
common  defence,  the  security  of  their  liberties,  and  their 
mutual  and  general  welfare,  binding  themselves  to  assist 
each  other,  against  all  force  offered  to,  or  attacks  made 
upon  them,  or  any  of  them,  on  account  of  religion,  sov 
ereignty,  trade,  or  any  other  pretence  whatever. 

ARTICLE  IV.  The  better  to  secure  and  perpetuate  mut 
ual  friendship  and  intercourse  among  the  people  of  the 
different  States  in  this  Union,  the  free  inhabitants  of  each 
of  these  States,  paupers,  vagabonds  and  fugitives  from 
justice  excepted,  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  im 
munities  of  free  citizens  in  the  several  States;  and  the 
people  of  each  State  shall  have  free  ingress  and  re 
gress  to  and  from  any  other  State,  and  shall  enjoy  therein 
all  the  privileges  of  trade  and  commerce,  subject  to  the 
same  duties,  impositions  and  restrictions  as  the  inhabi 
tants  thereof  respectively,  provided  that  such  restrictions 
shall  not  extend  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  removal  of  prop 
erty  imported  into  any  State,  to  any  other  State  of  which 
the  owner  is  an  inhabitant;  provided  also  that  no  imposi 
tion,  duties  or  restriction  shall  be  laid  by  any  State,  on 
the  property  of  the  United  States,  or  either  of  them. 

If  any  person  guilty  of,  or  charged  with  treason,  fel 
ony,  or  other  high  misdemeanor  in  any  State,  shall  flee 
from  justice,  and  be  found  in  any  of  the  United  States, 
he  shall  upon  demand  of  the  Governor  or  Executive  power, 
of  the  State  from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up  and  re 
moved  to  the  State  having  jurisdiction  of  his  offence. 

Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  of  these  States 
to  the  records,  acts  and  judicial  proceedings  of  the  courts 
and  magistrates  of  every  other  State. 

ARTICLE  V.  For  the  more  convenient  management  of 
the  general  interests  of  the  United  States,  delegates  shall 
be  annually  appointed  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature 
of  each  State  shall  direct,  to  meet  in  Congress  on  the  first 

1 86 


APPENDIX 

Monday  in  November,  in  every  year,  with  a  power  reserved 
to  each  State,  to  recall  its  delegates,  or  any  of  them,  at  any 
time  within  the  year,  and  to  send  others  in  their  stead, 
for  the  remainder  of  the  year. 

No  State  shall  be  represented  in  Congress  by  less  than 
two,  nor  by  more  than  seven  members ;  and  no  person  shall 
be  capable  of  being  a  delegate  for  more  than  three  years 
in  any  term  of  six  years;  nor  shall  any  person,  being  a 
delegate,  be  capable  of  holding  any  office  under  the  United 
States,  for  which  he,  or  another  for  his  benefit  receives  any 
salary,  fees  or  emolument  of  any  kind. 

Each  State  shall  maintain  its  own  delegates  in  a  meet 
ing  of  the  States,  and  while  they  act  as  members  of  the 
committee  of  the  States. 

In  determining  questions  in  the  United  States,  in  Con 
gress  assembled,  each  State  shall  have  one  vote. 

Freedom  of  speech  and  debate  in  Congress  shall  not  be 
impeached  or  questioned  in  any  court,  or  place  out  of  Con 
gress,  and  the  members  of  Congress  shall  be  protected  in 
their  persons  from  arrests  and  imprisonments,  during  the 
time  of  their  going  to  and  from,  and  attendance  on  Congress, 
except  for  treason,  felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace. 

ARTICLE  VT.  No  State  without  the  consent  of  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  send  any  embassy  to, 
or  receive  any  embassy  from,  or  enter  into  any  conferrence, 
agreement,  alliance  or  treaty  with  any  king  prince  or  state ; 
nor  shall  any  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust 
under  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them,  accept  of  any 
present,  emolument,  office  or  title  of  any  kind  whatever 
from  any  king,  prince  or  foreign  state ;  nor  shall  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  or  any  of  them,  grant  any 
title  of  nobility. 

No  two  or  more  States  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  con 
federation  or  alliance  whatever  between  them,  without 
the  consent  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled. 


APPENDIX 

specifying  accurately  the  purposes  for  which  the  same  is 
to  be  entered  into,  and  how  long  it  shall  continue. 

No  State  shall  lay  any  imposts  or  duties,  which  may 
interfere  with  any  stipulations  in  treaties,  entered  into 
by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  with  any 
king,  prince  or  state,  in  pursuance  of  any  treaties  already 
proposed  by  Congress,  to  the  courts  of  France  and  Spain. 

No  vessels  of  war  shall  be  kept  up  in  time  of  peace  by 
any  State,  except  such  number  only,  as  shall  be  deemed 
necessary  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
for  the  defence  of  such  State,  or  its  trade;  nor  shall  any 
body  of  forces  be  kept  up  by  any  State,  in  time  of  peace, 
except  such  number  only,  as  in  the  judgment  of  the  United 
States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  be  deemed  requisite 
to  garrison  the  forts  necessary  for  the  defence  of  such  State  ; 
but  every  State  shall  always  keep  up  a  well  regulated  and 
disciplined  militia,  sufficiently  armed  and  accoutred,  and 
shall  provide  and  constantly  have  ready  for  use,  in  public 
stores,  a  due  number  of  field  pieces  and  tents,  and  a  proper 
quantity  of  arms,  ammunition  and  camp  equipage. 

No  State  shall  engage  in  any  war  without  the  consent 
of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such 
State  be  actually  invaded  by  enemies,  or  shall  have  re 
ceived  certain  advice  of  a  resolution  being  formed  by  some 
nation  of  Indians  to  invade  such  State,  and  the  danger 
is  so  imminent  as  not  to  admit  of  a  delay,  till  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled  can  be  consulted:  nor  shall 
any  State  grant  commissions  to  any  ships  or  vessels  of  war, 
nor  letters  of  marque  or  reprisal,  except  it  be  after  a  declara 
tion  of  war  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
and  then  only  against  the  kingdom  or  state  and  the  subjects 
thereof,  against  \vhich  war  has  been  so  declared,  and  under 
such  regulations  as  shall  be  established  by  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  State  be  infested 
by  pirates,  in  which  case  vessels  of  war  may  be  fitted  out  for 

188 


APPENDIX 

that  occasion,  and  kept  so  long  as  the  danger  shall  con 
tinue,  or  until  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled 
shall  determine  otherwise. 

ARTICLE  VII.  When  land-forces  are  raised  by  any 
State  for  the  common  defence,  all  officers  of  or  under  the 
rank  of  colonel,  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Legislature  of 
each  State  respectively  by  whom  such  forces  shall  be  raised, 
or  in  such  manner  as  such  State  shall  direct,  and  all  vacan 
cies  shall  be  filled  up  by  the  State  which  first  made  the 
appointment. 

ARTICLE  VIII.  All  charges  of  war,  and  all  other  ex 
penses  that  shall  be  incurred  for  the  common  defence  or 
general  welfare,  and  allowed  by  the  United  States  in  Con 
gress  assembled,  shall  be  defrayed  out  of  a  common  treas 
ury,  which  shall  be  supplied  by  the  several  States,  in  pro 
portion  to  the  value  of  all  land  within  each  State,  granted 
to  or  surveyed  for  any  person,  as  such  land  and  the  build 
ings  and  improvements  thereon  shall  be  estimated  ac 
cording  to  such  mode  as  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  shall  from  time  to  time  direct  and  appoint. 

The  taxes  for  paying  that  proportion  shall  be  laid  and 
levied  by  the  authority  and  direction  of  the  Legislatures 
of  the  several  States  within  the  time  agreed  upon  by  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled. 

ARTICLE  IX.  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
shall  have  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  de 
termining  on  peace  and  war,  except  in  the  cases  mentioned 
in  the  sixth  article — of  sending  and  receiving  ambassadors 
— entering  into  treaties  and  alliances,  provided  that  no 
treaty  of  commerce  shall  be  made  whereby  the  legislative 
power  of  the  respective  States  shall  be  restrained  from  im 
posing  such  imposts  and  duties  on  foreigners,  as  their 
own  people  are  subjected  to,  or  from  prohibiting  the  ex 
portation  or  importation  of  any  species  of  goods  or  com 
modities  whatsoever — of  establishing  rules  for  deciding 

189 


APPENDIX 

in  all  cases,  what  captures  on  land  or  water  shall  be  legal, 
and  in  what  manner  prizes  taken  by  land  or  navai  forces 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States  shall  be  divided  or  ap 
propriated — of  granting  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal 
in  times  of  peace — appointing  courts  for  the  trial  of  piracies 
and  felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas  and  establishing 
courts  for  receiving  and  determining  finally  appeals  in  all 
cases  of  captures,  provided  that  no  member  of  Congress 
shall  be  appointed  a  judge  of  any  of  the  said  courts. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  also  be 
the  last  resort  on  appeal  in  all  disputes  and  differences 
now  subsisting  or  that  hereafter  may  arise  between  two 
or  more  States  concerning  boundary,  jurisdiction  or  any 
other  cause  whatever;  which  authority  shall  always  be 
exercised  in  the  manner  following.  Whenever  the  legis 
lative  or  executive  authority  or  lawful  agent  of  any  State 
in  controversy  with  another  shall  present  a  petition  to 
Congress,  stating  the  matter  in  question  and  praying  for 
a  hearing,  notice  thereof  shall  be  given  by  order  of  Congress 
to  the  legislative  or  executive  authority  of  the  other  State 
in  controversy,  and  a  day  assigned  for  the  appearance  of 
the  parties  by  their  lawful  agents,  who  shall  then  be  directed 
to  appoint  by  joint  consent,  commissioners  or  judges  to 
constitute  a  court  for  hearing  and  determining  the  matter 
in  question :  but  if  they  cannot  agree,  Congress  shall  name 
three  persons  out  of  each  of  the  United  States,  and  from  the 
list  of  such  persons  each  party  shall  alternately  strike  out 
one,  the  petitioners  beginning,  until  the  number  shall  be 
reduced  to  thirteen ;  and  from  that  number  not  less  than 
seven,  nor  more  than  nine  names  as  Congress  shall  direct, 
shall  in  the  presence  of  Congress  be  drawn  out  by  lot,  and 
the  persons  whose  names  shall  be  so  drawn  or  any  five 
of  them,  shall  be  commissioners  or  judges,  to  hear  and 
finally  determine  the  controversy,  so  always  as  a  major 
part  of  the  judges  who  shall  hear  the  cause  shall  agree 

190 


APPENDIX 

in  the  determination:  and  if  either  party  shall  neglect  to 
attend  at  the  day  appointed,  without  showing  reasons, 
which  Congress  shall  judge  sufficient,  or  being  present  shall 
refuse  to  strike,  the  Congress  shall  proceed  to  nominate 
three  persons  out  of  each  State,  and  the  Secretary  of  Con 
gress  shall  strike  in  behalf  of  such  party  absent  or  refusing  ; 
and  the  judgment  and  sentence  of  the  court  to  be  appointed, 
in  the  manner  before  prescribed,  shall  be  final  and  con 
clusive;  and  if  any  of  the  parties  shall  refuse  to  submit 
to  the  authority  of  such  court,  or  to  appear  or  defend  their 
claim  or  cause,  the  court  shall  nevertheless  proceed  to  pro 
nounce  sentence,  or  judgment,  which  shall  in  like  manner 
be  final  and  decisive,  the  judgment  or  sentence  and  other 
proceedings  being  in  either  case  transmitted  to  Congress, 
and  lodged  among  the  acts  of  Congress  for  the  security 
of  the  parties  concerned :  provided  that  every  commissioner, 
before  he  sits  in  judgment,  shall  take  an  oath  to  be  adminis 
tered  by  one  of  the  judges  of  the  supreme  or  superior  court 
of  the  State  where  the  cause  shall  be  tried,  "  well  and  truly 
to  hear  and  determine  the  matter  in  question,  according 
to  the  best  of  his  judgment,  without  favour,  affection  or 
hope  of  reward:"  provided  also  that  no  State  shall  be  de 
prived  of  territory  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States. 

All  controversies  concerning  the  private  right  of  soil 
claimed  under  different  grants  of  two  or  more  States,  whose 
jurisdiction  as  they  may  respect  such  lands,  and  the  States 
which  passed  such  grants  are  adjusted,  the  said  grants 
or  either  of  them  being  at  the  same  time  claimed  to  have 
originated  antecedent  to  such  settlement  of  jurisdiction, 
shall  on  the  petition  of  either  party  to  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  be  finally  determined  as  near  as  may  be 
in  the  same  manner  as  is  before  prescribed  for  deciding  dis 
putes  respecting  territorial  jurisdiction  between  different 
States. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  also 


APPENDIX 

have  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  regulat 
ing  the  alloy  and  value  of  coin  struck  by  their  own  au 
thority,  or  by  that  of  the  respective  States. — fixing  the 
standard  of  weights  and  measures  throughout  the  United 
States — regulating  the  trade  and  managing  all  affairs 
with  the  Indians,  not  members  of  any  of  the  States,  pro 
vided  that  the  legislative  right  of  any  State  within  its  own 
limits  be  not  infringed  or  violated — establishing  and  reg 
ulating  post-offices  from  one  State  to  another,  throughout 
all  the  United  States,  and  exacting  such  postage  on  the 
papers  passing  thro'  the  same  as  may  be  requisite  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  said  office — appointing  all  officers  ot 
the  land  forces,  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  except 
ing  regimental  officers — appointing  all  the  officers  of  the 
naval  forces,  and  commissioning  all  officers  whatever  in 
the  service  of  the  United  States — making  rules  for  the 
government  and  regulation  of  the  said  land  and  naval  forces, 
and  directing  their  operations. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  have 
authority  to  appoint  a  committee,  to  sit  in  the  recess  of 
Congress,  to  be  denominated  "a  Committee  of  the  States," 
and  to  consist  of  one  delegate  from  each  State;  and  to  ap 
point  such  other  committees  and  civil  officers  as  may  be 
necessary  for  managing  the  general  affairs  of  the  United 
States  under  their  direction — to  appoint  one  of  their  num 
ber  to  preside,  provided  that  no  person  be  allowed  to  serve 
in  the  office  of  president  more  than  one  year  in  any  term 
of  three  years;  to  ascertain  the  necessary  sums  of  money 
to  be  raised  for  the  service  of  the  United  States,  and  to  ap 
propriate  and  apply  the  same  for  defraying  the  public  ex 
penses — to  borrow  money,  or  emit  bills  on  the  credit  of 
the  United  States,  transmitting  every  half  year  to  the  re 
spective  States  an  account  of  the  sums  of  money  so  bor 
rowed  or  emitted, — to  build  and  equip  a  navy — to  agree 
upon  the  number  of  land  forces,  and  to  make  requisitions 

192 


APPENDIX 

from  each  State  for  its  quota,  in  proportion  to  the  number 
of  white  inhabitants  in  such  State;  which  requisition  shall 
be  binding,  and  thereupon  the  Legislature  of  each  State 
shall  appoint  the  regimental  officers,  raise  the  men  and 
cloath,  arm  and  equip  them  in  a  soldier  like  manner,  at 
the  expense  of  the  United  States ;  and  the  officers  and  men 
so  cloathed,  armed  and  equipped  shall  march  to  the  place 
appointed,  and  within  the  time  agreed  on  by  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assemble^:  but  if  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled  shall,  on  consideration  of  circum 
stances  judge  proper  that  any  State  should  not  raise  men, 
or  should  raise  a  smaller  number  than  its  quota,  and  that 
any  other  State  should  raise  a  greater  number  of  men  than 
the  quota  thereof,  such  extra  number  shall  be  raised,  of 
ficered,  cloathed,  armed  and  equipped  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  quota  of  such  State,  unless  the  legislature  of  such 
State  shall  judge  that  such  extra  number  cannot  be  safely 
spared  out  of  the  same,  in  which  case  they  shall  raise,  officer, 
cloath,  arm  and  equip  as  many  of  such  extra  number  as 
they  judge  can  be  safely  spared.  And  the  officers  and 
men  so  cloathed,  armed  and  equipped,  shall  march  to  the 
place  appointed,  and  within  the  time  agreed  on  by  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  never 
engage  in  a  war,  nor  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal 
in  time  of  peace,  nor  enter  into  any  treaties  or  alliances, 
nor  coin  money,  nor  regulate  the  value  thereof,  nor  as 
certain  the  sums  and  expenses  necessary  for  the  defence 
and  welfare  of  the  United  States,  or  any  of  them,  nor  emit 
bills,  nor  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States, 
nor  appropriate  money,  nor  agree  upon  the  number  of  vessels 
of  war,  to  be  built  or  purchased,  or  the  number  of  land  or 
sea  forces  to  be  raised,  nor  appoint  a  commander  in  chief 
of  the  army  or  navy,  unless  nine  States  assent  to  the 
same :  nor  shall  a  question  on  any  other  point,  except  for 

193 


APPENDIX 

adjourning  from  day  to  day  be  determined,  unless  by  the 
votes  of  a  majority  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  as 
sembled. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall  have  power 
to  adjourn  to  any  time  within  the  year,  and  to  any  place 
within  the  United  States,  so  that  no  period  of  adjourn 
ment  be  for  a  longer  duration  than  the  space  of  six  months, 
and  shall  publish  the  journal  of  their  proceedings  monthly, 
except  such  parts  thereof  relating  to  treaties,  alliances 
or  military  operations,  as  in  their  judgment  require  secresy ; 
and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  delegates  of  each  State  on 
any  question  shall  be  entered  on  the  journal,  when  it  is 
desired  by  any  delegate;  and  the  delegates  of  a  State,  or 
any  of  them,  at  his  or  their  request  shall  be  furnished  with 
a  transcript  of  the  said  journal,  except  such  parts  as  are 
above  excepted,  to  lay  before  the  Legislatures  of  the  several 
States. 

ARTICLE  X.  The  committee  of  the  States,  or  any  nine 
of  them,  shall  be  authorized  to  execute,  in  the  recess  of 
Congress,  such  of  the  powers  of  Congress  as  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  by  the  consent  of  nine  States, 
shall  from  time  to  time  think  expedient  to  vest  them  with ; 
provided  that  no  power  be  delegated  to  the  said  committee, 
for  the  exercise  of  which,  by  the  articles  of  confederation, 
the  voice  of  nine  States  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
assembled  is  requisite. 

ARTICLE  XI.  Canada  acceding  to  this  confederation, 
and  joining  in  the  measures  of  the  United  States,  shall 
be  admitted  into,  and  entitled  to  all  the  advantages  of  this 
Union :  but  no  other  colony  shall  be  admitted  into  the  same, 
unless  such  admission  be  agreed  to  by  nine  States. 

ARTICLE  XII.  All  bills  of  credit  emitted,  monies  bor 
rowed  and  debts  contracted  by,  or  under  the  authority 
of  Congress,  before  the  assembling  of  the  United  States, 
in  pursuance  of  the  present  confederation,  shall  be  deemed 

194 


APPENDIX 

and  considered  as  a  charge  against  the  United  States,  for 
payment  and  satisfaction  whereof  the  said  United  States, 
and  the  public  faith  are  hereby  solemnly  pledged. 

ARTICLE  XIII.  Every  State  shall  abide  by  the  deter 
minations  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
on  all  questions  which  by  this  confederation  are  submitted 
to  them.  And  the  articles  of  this  confederation  shall  be 
inviolably  observed  by  every  State,  and  the  Union  shall 
be  perpetual;  nor  shall  any  alteration  at  any  time  here 
after  be  made  in  any  of  them;  unless  such  alteration  be 
agreed  to  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  be  after 
wards  confirmed  by  the  Legislatures  of  every  State. 

And  whereas  it  has  pleased  the  Great  Governor  of  the 
world  to  incline  the  hearts  of  the  Legislatures  we  respec 
tively  represent  in  Congress,  to  approve  of,  and  to  authorize 
us  to  ratify  the  said  articles  of  confederation  and  perpetual 
union.  Know  ye  that  we  the  undersigned  delegates,  by 
virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  to  us  given  for  that  purpose, 
do  by  these  presents,  in  the  name  and  in  behalf  of  our  re 
spective  constituents,  fully  and  entirely  ratify  and  con 
firm  each  and  every  of  the  said  articles  of  confederation 
and  perpetual  union,  and  all  and  singular  the  matters  and 
things  therein  contained  :  and  we  do  further  solemnly  plight 
and  engage  the  faith  of  our  respective  constituents,  that 
they  shall  abide  by  the  determinations  of  the  United  States 
in  Congress  assembled,  on  all  questions,  which  by  the  said 
confederation  are  submitted  to  them.  And  that  the  articles 
thereof  shall  be  inviolably  observed  by  the  States  we  re[s"|pec« 
tively  represent,  and  that  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual. 

In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands  in  Con 
gress.  Done  at  Philadelphia  in  the  State  of  Pennsyl 
vania  the  ninth  day  of  July  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-eight,  and  in  the 
third  year  of  the  independence  of  America. 

195 


APPENDIX 

On  the  part  &  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  Hampshire 
JOSIAH  BARTLETT,  JOHN  WENTWORTH,  Junr., 

August  8th,  1778. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts 
JOHN  HANCOCK,  FRANCIS  DANA, 

SAMUEL  ADAMS,  JAMES  LOVELL, 

ELBRIDGE  GERRY,  SAMUEL  HOLTEN. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  Plantations. 

WILLIAM  ELLERY,  JOHN  COLLINS. 

HENRY  MARCHANT, 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Connecticut. 
ROGER  SHERMAN,  TITUS  HOSMER, 

SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON,  ANDREW  ADAMS. 

OLIVER  WOLCOTT, 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  York. 
JAS.  DUANE,  WM.  DUER, 

FRA.  LEWIS,  Gouv.  MORRIS. 

On  the  part  and  in  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey, 
Novr.  26,  1778. 

JNO.  WlTHERSPOON,         NATH.  SCUDDER. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 
ROBT.  MORRIS,  WILLIAM  CLINGAN, 

DANIEL  ROBERDEAU,  JOSEPH  REED, 

JON  A.  BAYARD  SMITH,  22d  July,  1778. 

On  the  part  &  behalf  of  the  State  of  Delaware. 
THO.  M'KEAN,  NICHOLAS  VAN  DYKE. 

Feby.  12,  1779. 
JOHN  DICKINSON,  May  sth,  1779. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Maryland. 
JOHN  HANSON,  DANIEL  CARROLL, 

March  I,  1781.  Mar.  i,  1781. 

196 


APPENDIX 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Virginia. 
RICHARD  HENRY  LEE,  JNO.  HARVIE, 

JOHN  BANISTER,  FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE. 

THOMAS  ADAMS, 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  No.  Carolina. 
JOHN  PENN,  July  21,  1778.      JNO.  WILLIAMS. 
CORNS.  HARNETT, 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina. 
HENRY  LAURENS,  JNO.  MATHEWS, 

WILLIAM  HENRY  DRAYTON,  RICHD.  HUTSON. 
THOS.  HEYWARD,  Junr. 

On  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  State  of  Georgia. 
JNO.  WALTON,  EDWD.  LANGWORTHY. 

24th  July,  1778. 
EDWD.  TELFAIR. 

VOL.    IV. — 14 


PART  II 
ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

1772-1781 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

THE  RIGHTS  OF  THE  COLONISTS,  1772 

Early  in  1772  Samuel  Adams  proposed  to  the 
towns  of  Massachusetts  that  they  should  appoint 
committees  of  correspondence  for  consultation  on 
mutual  interests.  Within  a  few  months  his  prop 
osition  was  accepted  by  eighty  towns,  and  from 
this  action  sprang  the  intercolonial  committees  of 
correspondence.  As  the  author  of  the  movement 
Mr.  Adams  was  looked  to  for  an  exposition  of  the 
views  of  the  colonists,  and  the  following  is  the 
report  he  made  as  from  the  Committee  of  Corre 
spondence  to  the  Boston  town  meeting,  on  Novem 
ber  20,  1772.  Text  from  "Old  South  Leaflet,"  Vol. 
VII.,  No.  173.  (See  page  2.) 

THE  RIGHTS  OF  THE  COLONISTS  AS  MEN 

Among  the  natural  rights  of  the  colonists  are  these: 
First,  a  right  to  life.  Second,  to  liberty.  Thirdly,  to 
property;  together  with  the  right  to  support  and  defend 
them  in  the  best  manner  they  can.  These  are  evident 
branches  of,  rather  than  deductions  from,  the  duty  of  self- 
preservation,  commonly  called  the  first  law  of  nature. 

All  men  have  a  right  to  remain  in  a  state  of  nature  as 
long  as  they  please,  and  in  case  of  intolerable  oppression, 
civil  or  religious,  to  leave  the  society  they  belong  to 
and  enter  into  another. 

1  The  final  page  references  in  the  introductions  are  to  allusions  in  the  History  which 
are  explained  and  illustrated  in  these  documents. 

2O I 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

When  men  enter  into  society  it  is  by  voluntary  con 
sent,  and  they  have  a  right  to  demand  and  insist  upon 
the  performance  of  such  conditions  and  previous  limi 
tations  as  form  an  equitable  original  compact. 

Every  natural  right  not  expressly  given  up,  or  from 
the  nature  of  a  social  compact  necessarily  ceded,  re 
mains. 

All  positive  and  civil  laws  should  conform,  as  far  as 
possible,  to  the  law  of  natural  reason  and  equity. 

As  neither  reason  requires  nor  religion  permits  the 
contrary,  every  man  living  in  or  out  of  a  state  of  civil 
society  has  a  right  peaceably  and  quietly  to  worship 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  conscience. 

"Just  and  true  liberty,  equal  and  impartial  liberty," 
in  matters  spiritual  and  temporal  is  a  thing  that  all  men 
are  clearly  entitled  to  by  the  eternal  and  immutable  laws 
of  God  and  nature,  as  well  as  by  the  laws  of  nations  and 
all  well-grounded  and  municipal  laws,  which  must  have 
their  foundation  in  the  former. 

In  regard  to  religion,  mutual  toleration  in  the  differ 
ent  professions  thereof  is  what  all  good  and  candid 
minds  in  all  ages  have  ever  practised,  and  both  by  pre 
cept  and  example  inculcated  on  mankind.  It  is  now 
generally  agreed  among  Christians  that  this  spirit  of 
toleration,  in  the  fullest  extent  consistent  with  the  being 
of  civil  society,  is  the  chief  characteristical  mark  of  the 
true  Church.  In  so  much  that  Mr.  Locke  has  asserted 
and  proved,  beyond  the  possibility  of  contradiction  on 
any  solid  ground,  that  such  toleration  ought  to  be  ex 
tended  to  all  whose  doctrines  are  not  subversive  of  so 
ciety.  The  only  sects  which  he  thinks  ought  to  be,  and 
which  by  all  wise  laws  are,  excluded  from  such  tolera 
tion  are  those  who  teach  doctrines  subversive  of  the 
civil  government  under  which  they  live.  The  Roman 
Catholics,  or  Papists,  are  excluded  by  reason  of  such 
doctrines  as  these:  That  princes  excommunicated  may 
be  deposed,  and  those  that  they  call  heretics  may  be 

202 


SAMUEL   ADAMS 

(From  the  Johnson  picture  made  late  in  life) 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

destroyed  without  mercy;  besides  their  recognizing  the 
Pope  in  so  absolute  a  manner,  in  subversion  of  govern 
ment,  by  introducing,  as  far  as  possible  into  the  states 
under  whose  protection  they  enjoy  life,  liberty,  and 
property,  that  solecism  in  politics,  imperium  in  imperio, 
leading  directly  to  the  worst  anarchy  and  confusion, 
civil  discord,  war,  and  bloodshed. 


JOHN  WILKES,  FOUNDER  OF  THE  "SOCIETY  FOR  SUPPORTING  THE 
BILL  OF  RIGHTS" 

(From  an  engraving  by  E.  Bouquet  after  an  original  picture  by  Pine.) 
203 


A  HISTORY  OP  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

The  natural  liberty  of  man  by  entering  into  society 
is  abridged  or  restrained,  so  far  only  as  is  necessary  for 
the  great  end  of  society — the  best  good  of  the  whole. 

In  the  state  of  nature  every  man  is,  under  God,  judge 
and  sole  judge  of  his  own  rights  and  of  the  injuries  done 
him.  By  entering  into  society  he  agrees  to  an  arbiter 
or  indifferent  judge  between  him  and  his  neighbors; 
but  he  no  more  renounces  his  original  right,  thereby 
taking  a  cause  out  of  the  ordinary  course  of  law,  and 
leaving  the  decision  to  referees  or  indifferent  arbitrators. 
In  the  last  case,  he  must  pay  the  referee  for  time  and 
trouble.  He  should  also  be  willing  to  pay  his  just  quota 
for  the  support  of  the  government,  the  law,  and  the 
Constitution,  the  end  of  which  is  to  furnish  indifferent 
and  impartial  judges  in  all  cases  that  may  happen, 
whether  civil,  ecclesiastical,  marine,  or  military. 

The  natural  liberty  of  man  is  to  be  free  from  any 
superior  power  on  earth,  and  not  to  be  under  the  will 
or  legislative  authority  of  man,  but  only  to  have  the 
law  of  nature  for  his  rule. 

In  the  state  of  nature  men  may,  as  the  patriarchs  did, 
employ  hired  servants  for  the  defence  of  their  lives, 
liberties,  and  property,  and  they  shall  pay  them  reason 
able  wages.  Government  was  instituted  for  the  purpose 
of  common  defence,  and  those  who  hold  the  reins  of 
government  have  an  equitable,  natural  right  to  an  hon 
orable  support  from  the  same  principle  that  "the  laborer 
is  worthy  of  his  hire."  But  then  the  same  community 
which  they  serve  ought  to  be  the  assessors  of  their  pay. 
Governors  have  a  right  to  seek  and  take  what  they 
please;  by  this,  instead  of  being  content  with  the  station 
assigned  them,  that  of  honorable  servants  of  the  society, 
they  would  soon  become  absolute  masters,  despots,  and 
tyrants.  Hence,  as  a  private  man  has  a  right  to  say 
what  wages  he  will  give  in  his  private  affairs,  so  has  a 
community  to  determine  what  they  will  give  and  grant 
of  their  substance  for  the  administration  of  public 

204 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

affairs.  And  in  both  cases  more  are  ready  to  offer  their 
service  at  the  proposed  and  stipulated  price  than  are 
able  and  willing  to  perform  their  duty. 

In  short,  it  is  the  greatest  absurdity  to  suppose  it  in 
the  power  of  one,  or  of  any  number  of  men,  at  the  en 
tering  into  society 
to  renounce  their 
essential  natural 
rights,  or  the  means 
of  preserving  those 
rights,  when  the 
grand  end  of  civil 
government,  from 
the  very  nature  of 
its  institution,  is  for 
the  support, protec 
tion,  and  defence  of 
those  .very  rights; 
the  principal  of 
which,  as  is  before 
observed,  are  life, 
liberty,  and  prop 
erty.  If  men, 
through  fear,  fraud, 
or  mistake,  should 
in  terms  renounce 

or  give  up  any  essential  natural  right,  the  eternal 
law  of  reason  and  the  grand  end  of  society  would  ab 
solutely  vacate  such  renunciation.  The  right  of  free 
dom  being  the  gift  of  God  Almighty,  it  is  not  in  the 
power  of  man  to  alienate  this  gift  and  voluntarily  be 
come  a  slave. 


ARTHUR   LEE    OF   VIRGINIA 

(At  this  time  (1772)  he  was  in  London  acting  as  the 
Colony's  agent) 


As  CHRISTIANS 

These  may  be  best  understood  by  reading  and  care 
fully  studying  the  institutes  of  the  great  Law-giver  and 

205 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

head  of  the  Christian  Church,  which  are  to  be  found 
clearly  written  and  promulgated  in  the  New  Testament. 
By  an  act  of  the  British  Parliament  commonly  called 
the  Toleration  Act,  every  subject  in  England,  except 
Papists,  etc.,  were  restored  to,  and  re-established  in,  his 
natural  right  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates 
of  his  own  conscience.  And  by  the  charter  of  this  prov 
ince  it  is  granted,  ordained,  and  established  (that  is, 
declared  as  an  original  right)  that  there  shall  be  liberty 
of  conscience  allowed  in  the  worship  of  God  to  all  Chris 
tians,  except  Papists,  inhabiting,  or  which  shall  inhabit 
or  be  resident  within,  such  province  or  territory.  Magna 
Charta  itself  is  in  substance  but  a  constrained  declara 
tion  or  proclamation  and  promulgation  in  the  name  of 
King,  Lords,  and  Commons,  of  the  sense  the  latter  had 
their  original,  inherent,  indefeasible,  natural  rights,  as 
also  those  of  free  citizens  equally  perdurable  with  the 
other.  That  great  author,  that  great  jurist,  and  even 
that  court  writer,  Mr.  Justice  Blackstone,  holds  that  this 
recognition  was  justly  obtained  of  King  John,  sword  in 
hand.  And  peradventure  it  must  be  one  day,  sword 
in  hand,  again  rescued  and  preserved  from  total  destruc 
tion  and  oblivion. 

As  SUBJECTS 

A  commonwealth  or  state  is  a  body  politic,  or  civil 
society  of  men  united  together  to  promote  their  mutual 
safety  and  prosperity  by  means  of  their  union. 

The  absolute  right  of  Englishmen  and  all  freemen, 
in  or  out  of  civil  society,  are  principally  personal  security, 
personal  liberty,  and  private  property. 

All  persons  born  in  the  British  American  Colonies  are 
by  the  laws  of  God  and  nature,  and  by  the  common 
law  of  England,  exclusive  of  all  charters  from  the  Crown, 
well  entitled,  and  by  acts  of  the  British  Parliament  are 
declared  to  be  entitled,  to  all  the  natural,  essential, 

206 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

inherent,  and  inseparable  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges 
of  subjects  born  in  Great  Britain  or  within  the  realm. 
Among  these  rights  are  the  following,  which  no  man, 
or  body  of  men,  consistently  with  their  own  rights  as 
men  and  citizens,  or  members  of  society,  can  for  them 
selves  give  up  or  take  away  from  others: 

First.  The  first  fundamental  positive  law  of  all  com 
monwealths  or  states  is  the  establishing  the  legislative 
power.  As  the  first  fundamental  natural  law,  also, 
which  is  to  govern  even  the  legislative  power  itself  is 
the  preservation  of  the  society. 

Secondly.  The  legislative  has  no  right  to  absolute 
arbitrary  power  over  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  the  people; 
nor  can  mortals  assume  a  prerogative  not  only  too  high 
for  men,  but  for  angels,  and  therefore  reserved  for  the 
Deity  alone. 

The  legislative  cannot  justly  assume  to  itself  a  power 
to  rule  by  extempore  arbitrary  decrees;  but  it  is  bound 
to  see  'that  justice  is  dispensed,  and  that  the  rights  of 
the  subjects  be  decided  by  promulgated  standing,  and 
known  laws,  and  authorized  independent  judges;  that 
is,  independent,  as  far  as  possible,  of  prince  and  people. 
There  should  be  one  rule  of  justice  for  rich  and  poor, 
for  the  favorite  at  court,  and  the  countryman  at  the 
plough. 

Thirdly.  The  supreme  power  cannot  justly  take  from 
any  man  any  part  of  his  property  without  his  consent  in 
person  or  by  his  representative. 

These  are  some  of  the  first  principles  of  natural  law 
and  justice,  and  the  great  barriers  of  all  free  states,  and 
of  the  British  constitution  in  particular.  It  is  utterly 
irreconcilable  to  these  principles,  and  to  any  other  fun 
damental  maxims  of  the  common  law,  common  sense,  and 
reason  that  a  British  House  of  Commons  should  have  a 
right  at  pleasure  to  give  and  grant  the  property  of  the 
colonists.  (That  the  colonists  are  well  entitled  to  all 
the  essential  rights,  liberties,  and  privileges  of  men  and 

207 


w/ 


SAMUEL   ADAMS 
(From  the  Royoi  American  Magazine,  April,  1774) 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

freemen  born  in  Britain  is  manifest  not  only  from  the 
colony  charters  in  general,  but  acts  of  the  British  Parlia 
ment.)  The  statute  of  the  I3th  of  Geo.  II.,  c.  7,  natural 
izes  every  foreigner  after  seven  years'  residence.  The 
words  of  the  Massachusetts  charter  are  these:  "And 
further,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  and  we  do  hereby,  for 
us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  grant,  establish,  and  or 
dain  that  all  and  every  of  the  subjects  of  us,  our  heirs 
and  successors,  which  shall  go  to  and  inhabit  within  our 
said  Province  or  Territory,  and  every  of  their  children 
which  shall  happen  to  be  born  there  or  on  the  seas  in 
going  thither  or  returning  from  thence,  shall  have  and 
enjoy  all  liberties  and  immunities  of  free  and  natural 
subjects  within  any  of  the  dominions  of  us,  our  heirs, 
and  successors,  to  all  intents,  constructions,  and  pur 
poses  whatsoever,  as  if  they  and  every  one  of  them 
were  born  within  this,  our  realm  of  England." 

Now  what  liberty  can  there  be  where  property  is 
taken  away  without  consent?  Can  it  be  said  with  any 
color  of  truth  and  justice  that  this  continent  of  3,000 
miles  in  length,  and  of  a  breadth  as  yet  unexplored,  in 
which,  however,  it  is  supposed  there  are  5,000,000  of 
people,  had  the  least  voice,  vote,  or  influence  in  the 
British  Parliament?  Have  they  altogether  any  more 
weight  or  power  to  return  a  single  member  to  that 
House  of  Commons  who  have  not  inadvertently,  but 
deliberately,  assumed  a  power  to  dispose  of  their  lives, 
liberties,  and  properties  than  to  choose  an  emperor  of 
China?  Had  the  colonists  a  right  to  return  members 
to  the  British  Parliament  it  would  only  be  hurtful,  as 
from  their  local  situation  and  circumstances  it  is  im 
possible  they  should  ever  be  truly  and  properly  repre 
sented  there.  The  inhabitants  of  this  country,  in  all 
probability,  in  a  few  years  will  be  more  numerous  than 
those  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  together;  yet  it  is 
absurdly  expected  by  the  promoters  of  the  present 
measure  that  these,  with  their  posterity  to  all  genera- 

209 


A  HISTORY  OP  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

tions,  should  be  easy  while  their  property  shall  be  dis 
posed  of  by  a  House  of  Commons  at  3,000  miles  distant 
from  them,  and  who  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  the 
least  care  or  concern  for  their  real  interest,  but  must  be 
in  effect  bribed  against  it,  as  every  burden  they  lay  on 
the  colonists  is  so  much  saved  or  gained  to  themselves. 
Hitherto  many  of  the  colonists  have  been  free  from  quit 
rents;  but  if  the  breath  of  a  British  House  of  Commons 
can  originate  an  act  for  taking  away  all  our  money  our 
lands  will  go  next  or  be  subject  to  rack  rents  from 
haughty  and  relentless  landlords,  who  will  ride  at  ease 
while  we  are  trodden  in  the  dirt.  The  colonists  have 
been  branded  with  the  odious  names  of  traitors  and 
rebels  only  for  complaining  of  their  grievances.  How 
long  such  treatment  will  or  ought  to  be  borne  is  sub 
mitted. 


THE  FIRST  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS,  1774 

Several  States  claim  the  honor  of  having  been 
the  first  to  recommend  a  General  Congress  com 
posed  of  delegates  from  each  of  the  Colonies.  The 
movement  was  almost  simultaneous,  as  shown  by 
the  following  article  in  the  "New  York  Review" 
for  1839,  Vol.  I.,  p.  337.  (See  page  21.) 

"We  have  compiled  from  the  American  archives  (pub 
lished  under  the  authority  of  Congress)  a  summary  of 
the  earliest  dates  in  which,  in  every  Colony,  the  subject 
of  a  General  Congress  was  acted  upon  by  any  public 
assembly  in  the  year  1774: — 

1774 

1.  By  a  town-meeting  in  Providence,  Rhode  Island   .     May       17 

2.  By  the  committee  of  a  town-meeting  in  Philadelphia,  2 1 

3.  By  the  committee  of  a  town-meeting  in  New  York,        "          23 

4.  By  the  Members  of  the  dissolved  House  of  Bur 

gesses  of  Virginia,  and  others  at  Williamsburg,  "          27 

5.  By  a  county-meeting  in   Baltimore 31 

6.  By  a  town-meeting  in  Norwich,  Connecticut June         6 

7.  By  a  county-meeting  in  Newark,  New  Jersey 1 1 

8.  By  the   Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives, 

and  by  a  town-meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  the  same 

day 17 

9.  By  a  county-meeting  in  Newcastle,  Delaware 29 

10.  By  the  committee  of  correspondence  in  Portsmouth, 

New  Hampshire July          6 

n.  By  a  general  province-meeting  in  Charleston,  South 

Carolina "    6,  7,  8 

12.  By  a  district-meeting  at  Wilmington,  North  Caro 
lina "  21 

VOL.  iv.— 15  211 


A  HISTORY  OP  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

"A  comparison  of  these  dates  will  at  once  show  how 
strongly  was  the  instinct  of  union,  which,  at  this  period, 
pervaded  the  country,  and  how  prompt  the  Colonies 
were  in  adopting  that  principle  of  combination  which 


CHARLES   THOMSON 

(Secretary  of  the  First  Continental  Congress) 

served  as  the  direct  antagonist  to  the  policy  of  the 
British  ministry,  designed  as  it  was,  by  confining  its 
obnoxious  measures  to  one  Colony,  to  diminish  the  prob- 

212 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

ability  of  a  united  resistance.  In  looking  to  these  dates, 
it  should  also  be  remembered  that  the  Colonial  action, 
in  some  instances,  was  independent  of  that  of  an  earlier 
date  in  other  Colonies.  In  Virginia,  the  recommenda 
tion  of  a  Congress  was  adopted  two  days  before  the  in 
telligence  was  received  of  a  similar  measure,  several 
days  earlier,  both  in  Philadelphia  and  in  New  York." 

Members  of  the  First  Continental  Congress 

New  Hampshire. — John   Sullivan,  Nathaniel  Folsom. 

Massachusetts. — Thomas  Cushing,  Samuel  Adams, 
John  Adams,  Robert  Treat  Paine. 

Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations. — Stephen 
Hopkins,  Samuel  Ward. 

Connecticut. — Eliphalet  Dyer,  Roger  Sherman,  Silas 
Deane. 

New  York. — James  Duane,  Isaac  Lord,  Henry  Wisner, 
John  Alsop,  John  Jay,  William  Floyd,  Philip  Livingston. 

New  Jersey. — James  Kinsey,  Stephen  Crane,  William 
Livingston,  Richard  Smith,  John  De  Hart. 

Pennsylvania.  —-  Joseph  Galloway,  John  Morton, 
Charles  Humphreys,  Thomas  Mifflin,  Samuel  Rhodes, 
Edward  Biddle,  George  Ross,  John  Dickenson. 

Delaware. — Caesar  Rodney,  Thomas  McKean,  George 
Read. 

Maryland. — Robert  Goldsborough,  Samuel  Chase, 
Thomas  Johnson,  Matthew  Tilghman,  William  Paca. 

Virginia. — Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
George  Washington,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland, 
Benjamin  Harrison,  Edmund  Pendleton. 

North  Carolina. — William  Hooper,  Joseph  Hughes, 
Richard  Caswell. 

South  Carolina. — Henry  Middleton,  John  Rutledge, 
Thomas  Lynch,  Christopher  Gadsden,  Edward  Rutledge. 

President,  Peyton  Randolph,  of  Virginia;  Secretary, 
Charles  Thomson,  of  Pennsylvania. 

213 


DECLARATION  OF  COLONIAL  RIGHTS,  1774 

The  following  declaration  of  rights  in  the  form 
of  resolutions  was  adopted  by  the  First  Continen 
tal  Congress,  sitting  in  Philadelphia,  on  October 
14,  1774.  Text  from  "Journals  of  the  American 
Congress  from  1774  to  1778,"  Vol.  I.,  pp.  19-22; 
edition  of  1823.  (See  page  30.) 

WHEREAS,  since  the  close  of  the  last  war,  the  British 
parliament  claiming  a  power  of  right,  to  bind  the  people 
of  America  by  statutes  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  hath,  in 
some  acts,  expressly  imposed  taxes  on  them,  and  in 
others,  under  various  pretences,  but  in  fact  for  the  pur 
pose  of  raising  a  revenue,  hath  imposed  rates  and  duties 
payable  in  these  colonies,  established  a  board  of  com 
missioners,  with  unconstitutional  powers,  and  extended 
the  jurisdiction  of  courts  of  admiralty,  not  only  for  col 
lecting  the  said  duties,  but  for  the  trial  of  causes  merely 
arising  within  the  body  of  a  county. 

And  whereas,  in  consequence  of  other  statutes, 
judges,  who  before  held  only  estates  at  will  in  their 
offices,  have  been  made  dependent  on  the  crown  alone 
for  their  salaries,  and  standing  armies  kept  in  time  of 
peace:  And  whereas  it  has  lately  been  resolved  in  par 
liament,  that  by  force  of  a  statute,  made  in  the  thirty- 
fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth,  colonists 
may  be  transported  to  England,  and  tried  there  upon 
accusations  for  treasons,  and  misprisions,  or  conceal 
ments  of  treasons  committed  in  the  colonies,  and  by  a 
late  statute,  such  trials  have  been  directed  in  cases 
therein  mentioned. 

214 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

And  whereas,  in  the  last  session  of  parliament,  three 
statutes  were  made;  one,  entitled  "An  act  to  discon 
tinue,  in  such  manner,  and  for  such  time  as  are  therein 
mentioned,  the  landing  and  discharging,  lading  or  ship 
ping  of  goods,  wares  and  merchandise,  at  the  town,  and 
within  the  harbour  of  Boston,  in  the  province  of  Massa 
chusetts-Bay,  in  North  America;"  another,  entitled,  "An 


ROOM  IN  CARPENTER'S  HALL,  PHILADELPHIA  IN  WHICH  THE  FIRST  CON 
TINENTAL  CONGRESS  MET,   1774 

act  for  the  better  regulating  the  government  of  the 
province  of  Massachusetts-Bay  in  New  England;"  and 
another,  entitled,  "An  act  for  the  impartial  administra 
tion  of  justice,  in  the  cases  of  persons  questioned  for  any 
act  done  by  them  in  the  execution  of  the  law,  or  for  the 
suppression  of  riots  and  tumults,  in  the  province  of 
Massachusetts-Bay  in  New  England;"  and  another 
statute  was  then  made,  "for  making  more  effectual  pro 
vision  for  the  government  of  the  province  of  Quebec, 
etc."  All  which  statutes  are  impolitic,  unjust,  and  cruel, 
as  well  as  unconstitutional,  and  most  dangerous  and  de 
structive  of  American  rights. 

And  whereas,   assemblies  have  been  frequently  dis 
solved,  contrary  to  the  rights  of  the  people,  when  they 

215 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

attempted  to  deliberate  on  grievances,  and  their  dutiful, 
humble,  loyal,  and  reasonable  petitions  to  the  crown  for 
redress,  have  been  repeatedly  treated  with  contempt  by 
his  majesty's  ministers  of  state: 

The  good  people  of  the  several  colonies  of  New-Hamp 
shire,  Massachusetts-Bay,  Rhode-Island  and  Providence 
Plantations,  Connecticut,  New- York,  New-Jersey,  Penn 
sylvania,  New-Castle,  Kent  and  Sussex,  on  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North-Carolina,  and  South-Carolina 
justly  alarmed  at  these  arbitrary  proceedings  of  parlia 
ment  and  administration,  have  severally  elected,  con 
stituted  and  appointed  deputies  to  meet,  and  sit  in 
General  Congress,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  order 
to  obtain  such  establishment,  as  that  their  religion,  laws, 
and  liberties,  may  not  be  subverted.  Whereupon  the 
deputies  so  appointed  being  now  assembled,  in  a  full  and 
free  representation  of  these  colonies,  taking  into  their 
most  serious  consideration,  the  best  means  of  attaining 
the  ends  aforesaid,  do,  in  the  first  place,  as  Englishmen, 
their  ancestors  in  like  cases  have  usually  done,  for 
effecting  and  vindicating  their  rights  and  liberties, 
DECLARE, 

That  the  inhabitants  of  the  English  colonies  in  North 
America,  by  the  immutable  laws  of  nature,  the  principles 
of  the  English  constitution,  and  the  several  charters  or 
compacts,  have  the  following  RIGHTS: 

Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  i.  That  they  are  entitled  to  life, 
liberty,  and  property,  and  that  they  have  never  ceded 
to  any  sovereign  power  whatever,  a  right  to  dispose  of 
either  without  their  consent. 

Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  2.  That  our  ancestors,  who  first 
settled  these  colonies,  were  at  the  time  of  their  emigra 
tion  from  the  mother  country,  entitled  to  all  the  rights, 
liberties,  and  immunities  of  free  and  natural-born  sub 
jects,  within  the  realm  of  England. 

Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  3.  That  by  such  emigration,  they 
by  no  means  forfeited,  surrendered,  or  lost  any  of  those 

216 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

rights,  but  that  they  were,  and  their  descendants  now 
are,  entitled  to  the  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  all  such  of 
them,  as  their  local  and  other  circumstances  enable 
them  to  exercise  and  enjoy. 

Resolved,  4.  That  the  foundation  of  English  liberty, 
and  of  all  free  government,  is  a  right  in  the  people  to 
participate  in  their  legislative  council:  and  as  the  Eng 
lish  colonists  are  not  represented,  and  from  their  local 


THE   STATE   HOUSE,    PHILADELPHIA,   AS   IT   APPEARED   IN    1774 

and  other  circumstances,  cannot  properly  in  the  British 
parliament,  they  are  entitled  to  a  free  and  exclusive 
power  of  legislation  in  their  several  provincial  legisla 
tures,  where  their  right  of  representation  can  alone  be 
preserved,  in  all  cases  of  taxation  and  internal  polity, 
subject  only  to  the  negative  of  their  sovereign,  in  such 
manner  as  has  been  heretofore  used  and  accustomed. 
But,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  a  regard  to  the 
mutual  interest  of  both  countries,  we  cheerfully  consent 
to  the  operation  of  such  acts  of  the  British  parliament; 
as  are  bona  fide,  restrained  to  the  regulation  of  our  ex 
ternal  commerce,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  com- 

217 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

mercial  advantages  of  the  whole  empire  to  the  mother 
country,  and  the  commercial  benefits  of  its  respective 
members;  excluding  every  idea  of  taxation  internal 
or  external,  for  raising  a  revenue  on  the  subjects  in 
America,  without  their  consent. 

Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  5.  That  the  respective  colonies  are 
entitled  to  the  common  law  of  England,  and  more  espe 
cially  to  the  great  and  inestimable  privilege  of  being 
tried  by  their  peers  of  the  vicinage,  according  to  the 
course  of  that  law. 

Resolved,  6.  That  they  are  entitled  to  the  benefit  of 
such  of  the  English  statutes,  as  existed  at  the  time  of 
their  colonization;  and  which  they  have,  by  experience, 
respectively  found  to  be  applicable  to  their  several  local 
and  other  circumstances. 

Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  7.  That  these,  his  majesties  colo 
nies,  are  likewise  entitled  to  all  the  immunities  and 
privileges  granted  and  conformed  to  them  by  royal 
charters,  as  secured  by  their  several  codes  of  provincial 
laws. 

Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  8.  That  they  have  a  right  peace 
able  to  assemble,  consider  of  their  grievances,  and  peti 
tion  the  king;  and  that  all  prosecutions,  prohibiting 
proclamations,  and  commitments  for  the  same  are 
illegal. 

Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  9.  That  the  keeping  a  standing 
army  in  these  colonies,  in  times  of  peace,  without  the 
consent  of  the  legislature  of  that  colony,  in  which  such 
army  is  kept,  is  against  law. 

Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  10.  It  is  indispensably  necessary  to 
good  government,  and  rendered  essential  by  the  Eng 
lish  constitution,  that  the  constituent  branches  of  the 
legislature  be  independent  of  each  other;  that,  there 
fore,  the  exercise  of  legislative  power  in  several  colonies, 
by  a  counsel  appointed,  during  pleasure,  by  the  crown, 
is  unconstitutional,  dangerous  and  destructive  to  the 
freedom  of  American  legislation. 

218 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

All  and  each  of  which  the  aforesaid  deputies,  in  behalf 
of  themselves,  and  their  constituents,  do  claim,  demand, 
and  insist  on,  as  their  indubitable  rights  and  liberties; 
which  cannot  be  legally  taken  from  them,  altered  or 


CARPENTER  S    HALL,    PHILADELPHIA,    IN    WHICH    THE    FIRST    AND    SECOND 
CONTINENTAL    CONGRESS    HELD   THEIR    SESSIONS 


abridged  by  any  power  whatever,  without  their  own 
consent,  by  their  representatives  in  their  several  pro 
vincial  legislatures. 

In  the  course  of  our  inquiry,  we  find  many  infringe 
ments  and  violations  of  the  foregoing  rights,  which  from 
an  ardent  desire,  that  harmony  and  mutual  intercourse 

219 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

of  affection  and  interest  may  be  restored,  we  pass  over 
for  the  present,  and  proceed  to  state  such  acts  and 
measures  as  have  been  adopted  since  the  late  war, 
which  demonstrate  a  system  formed  to  enslave  America. 

Resolved,  N.  C.  D.  The  following  acts  of  parliament 
are  infringements  and  violations  of  the  rights  of  the  colo 
nists;  and  that  the  repeal  of  them  is  essentially  neces 
sary,  in  order  to  restore  harmony  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  American  colonies,  viz. : 

The  several  acts  of  4  Geo.  III.  ch.  15,  and  ch.  34.— 
5  Geo.  III.  ch.  25.— 6  Geo.  III.  ch.  52.— 7  Geo.  III. 
ch.  41,  and  ch.  46. — 8  Geo.  III.  ch.  22,  which  impose 
duties  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America, 
extend  the  power  of  the  admiralty  courts  beyond  their 
ancient  limits,  deprive  the  American  subject  of  trial 
by  jury,  authorize  the  judges'  certificate  to  indemnify 
the  prosecutor  from  damages,  that  he  might  otherwise 
be  liable  to,  requiring  oppressive  security  from  a  claim 
ant  of  ships  and  goods  seized,  before  he  shall  be  allowed 
to  defend  his  property,  and  are  subservient  of  American 
rights. 

Also  12  Geo.  III.  ch.  24,  entitled  "An  act  for  the 
better  securing  his  majesty's  dock-yards,  magazines, 
ships,  ammunition,  and  stores,"  which  declares  a  new 
offence  in  America,  and  deprives  the  American  subject 
of  a  constitutional  trial  by  jury  of  the  vicinage,  by  au 
thorizing  the  trial  of  any  person,  charged  with  the 
committing  any  offence  described  in  the  said  act,  out 
of  the  realm,  to  be  indicted  and  tried  for  the  same  in 
any  shire  or  county  within  the  realm. 

Also  the  three  acts  passed  in  the  last  session  of  parlia 
ment,  for  stopping  the  port  and  blocking  the  harbour  of 
Boston,  for  altering  the  charter  and  government  of 
Massachusetts-Bay,  and  that  which  is  entitled,  "An  act 
for  the  better  administration  of  Justice,  etc." 

Also  the  act  passed  in  the  same  session  for  establish 
ing  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  in  the  province  of 

220 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

Quebec,  abolishing  the  equitable  system  of  English  laws, 
and  erecting  a  tyranny  there,  to  the  great  danger  (from 
so  total  a  dissimilarity  of  religion,  law  and  government) 
of  the  neighboring  British  Colonies,  by  the  assistance  of 
whose  blood  and  treasure  the  said  country  was  con 
quered  from  France. 

Also,  the  act  passed  in  the  same  session,  for  the  better 
providing  suitable  quarters  for  officers  and  soldiers  in  his 
majesty's  service,  in  North-America. 

Also,  that  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  several  of 
these  colonies,  in  time  of  peace,  without  the  consent  of 
the  legislature  of  that  colony,  in  which  such  army  is 
kept,  is  against  law. 

To  these  grievous  acts  and  measures,  Americans  can 
not  submit,  but  in  hopes  their  fellow-subjects  in  Great 
Britain  will,  on  a  revision  of  them,  restore  us  to  that 
state,  in  which  both  countries  found  happiness  and  pros 
perity,  we  have  for  the  present,  only  resolved  to  pursue 
the  following  peaceable  measures:  I.  To  enter  into  a 
non-importation,  non-consumption,  and  non-exportation 
agreement  or  association.  2.  To  prepare  an  address  to 
the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  memorial  to  the  in 
habitants  of  British  America:  and  3.  To  prepare  a 
loyal  address  to  his  majesty,  agreeable  to  resolutions 
already  entered  into. 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  FIRST  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS 

TO   THE    INHABITANTS   OF   THE    SEVERAL 

ANGLO-AMERICAN  COLONIES,   1774 

The  text  is  from  Hugh  Gaine's  reprint  of  the 
Journal  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Congress  held 
at  Philadelphia,  September  5,  1774.  Published  in 
New  York,  1774.  Pages  71-88.  (See  page  20.) 

We,  the  DELEGATES  appointed  by  the  good  people  ot 
these  Colonies  to  meet  at  Philadelphia  in  September  last, 
for  the  purposes  mentioned  by  our  respective  Constitu 
ents,  have  in  pursuance  of  the  trust  reposed  in  us,  as 
sembled,  and  taken  into  our  most  serious  consideration 
the  important  matters  recommended  to  the  Congress. 
Our  resolutions  thereupon  will  be  herewith  communicated 
to  you.  But  as  the  situation  of  public  affairs  grows  daily 
more  and  more  alarming;  and  as  it  may  be  more  satis 
factory  to  you  to  be  informed  by  us  in  a  collective  body, 
than  in  any  other  manner,  of  those  sentiments  that  have 
been  approved,  upon  a  full  and  free  discussion  by  the 
Representatives  of  so  great  a  part  of  America,  we  es 
teem  ourselves  obliged  to  add  this  Address  to  these 
Resolutions. 

IN  every  case  of  opposition  by  a  people  to  their 
rulers,  or  of  one  state  to  another,  duty  to  Almighty 
God,  the  creator  of  all,  requires  that  a  true  and  impartial 
judgment  be  formed  of  the  measures  leading  to  such  op 
position;  and  of  the  causes  by  which  it  has  been  pro 
voked,  or  can  in  any  degree  be  justified:  That  neither 
affection  on  one  hand,  nor  resentment  on  the  other, 

222 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

being  permitted  to  give  a  wrong  bias  to  reason,  it  may 
be  enabled  to  take  a  dispassionate  view  of  all  circum 
stances,  and  to  settle  the  public  conduct  on  the  solid 
foundations  of  wisdom  and  justice. 

FROM  Councils  thus  tempered  arise  the  surest  hopes 
of  the  Divine  favour,  the  firmest  encouragement  of  the 
parties  engaged  and  the  strongest  recommendation  of 
their  cause  to  the  rest  of  mankind. 

WITH  minds  deeply  impressed  by  a  sense  of  these 
truths,  we  have  diligently,  deliberately,  and  calmly  en 
quired  into  and  considered  those  exertions,  both  of  the 
legislative  and  executive  power  of  Great-Britain,  which 
have  excited  so  much  uneasiness  in  America,  and  have 
with  equal  fidelity  and  attention  considered  the  conduct 
of  the  Colonies.  Upon  the  whole,  we  find  ourselves 
reduced  to  the  disagreeable  alternative,  of  being  silent 
and  betraying  the  innocent,  or  of  speaking  out  and  cen 
suring  those  we  wish  to  revere.  In  making  our  choice 
of  these  distressing  difficulties,  we  prefer  the  course  dic 
tated  by  honesty,  and  a  regard  for  the  welfare  of  our 
country. 

SOON  after  the  conclusion  of  the  late  war,  there  com 
menced  a  memorable  change  in  the  treatment  of  these 
Colonies.  By  a  statute  made  in  the  fourth  year  of  the 
present  reign,  a  time  of  profound  peace ',  alledging  "the 
expediency  of  new  provisions  and  regulations  for  extend 
ing  the  commerce  between  Great-Britain  and  his  Ma 
jesty's  dominions  in  America,  and  the  necessity  of  raising 
a  Revenue  in  the  said  dominions,  for  defraying  the  ex 
penses  of  defending,  protecting,  and  securing  the  same," 
the  Commons  of  Great-Britain  undertook  to  give  and 
grant  to  his  Majesty  many  rates  and  duties,  to  be  paid 
in  these  Colonies.  To  enforce  the  observance  of  this 
Act,  it  prescribes  a  great  number  of  severe  penalties  and 
forfeitures;  and  in  two  sections  makes  a  remarkable 
distinction  between  the  subjects  in  Great-Britain  and 
those  in  America.  By  the  one,  the  penalties  and  for- 

223 


CADWALLADER   D.    GOLDEN 
(From  an  engraving  by  A.  B.  Durand  of  a  painting  by  Waldo  and  Jewett.) 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

feitures  incurred  there  are  to  be  recovered  in  any  of  the 
King's  Courts  of  Record  at  Westminster,  or  in  the  Court 
of  Exchequer  in  Scotland;  and  by  the  other,  the  penal 
ties  and  forfeitures  incurred  here  are  to  be  recovered  in 
any  Court  of  Record,  or  in  any  Court  of  Admiralty  or 
Vice-Admiralty,  at  the  election  of  the  informer  or  prose 
cutor. 

THE  Inhabitants  of  these  Colonies  confiding  in  the 
justice  of  Great-Britain,  were  scarcely  allowed  sufficient 
time  to  receive  and  consider  this  Act,  before  another, 
well  known  by  the  name  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and  passed 
in  the  fifth  year  of  this  reign,  engrossed  their  whole 
attention.  By  this  statute  the  British  Parliament  exer 
cised  in  the  most  explicit  manner  a  power  of  taxing  us, 
and  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  Courts  of  Admiralty 
and  Vice- Admiralty  in  the  Colonies,  to  matters  arising 
within  the  body  of  a  county,  directed  the  numerous 
penalties  and  forfeitures,  thereby  inflicted,  to  be  re 
covered  in  the  said  Courts. 

IN  the  same  year  a  tax  was  imposed  upon  us,  by  an 
Act,  establishing  several  new  fees  in  the  customs.  In 
the  next  year,  the  stamp  act  was  repealed;  not  because 
it  was  founded  in  an  erroneous  principle,  but  as  the 
repealing  act  recites,  because  "the  continuance  thereof 
would  be  attended  with  many  inconveniences,  and 
might  be  productive  of  consequences  greatly  detri 
mental  to  the  commercial  interest  of  Great  Britain." 

IN  the  same  year,  and  by  a  subsequent  Act,  it  was 
declared,  "that  his  Majesty  in  Parliament,  of  right, 
had  power  to  bind  the  people  of  these  Colonies  by 
Statutes  in  all  cases  whatsoever" 

IN  the  same  year,  another  Act  was  passed,  for  impos 
ing  rates  and  duties  payable  in  these  Colonies.  In  this 
Statute  the  Commons,  avoiding  the  terms  of  giving  and 
granting,  "humbly  besought  his  Majesty  that  it  might 
be  enacted,  &c."  But  from  a  declaration  in  the  pre 
amble,  that  the  rates  and  duties  were  "in  lieu  of"  sev- 

225 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

eral  others  granted  by  the  Statute  first  before  mentioned 
for  raising  a  revenue,  and  from  some  other  expressions  it 
appears,  that  these  duties  were  intended  for  that  purpose. 

IN  the  next  year,  (1767)  an  Act  was  made  "to  enable 
his  Majesty  to  put  the  customs  and  other  duties  in 
America  under  the  management  of  Commissioners, 
&c.,"  and  the  King  thereupon  erected  the  present  ex 
pensive  Board  of  Commissioners,  for  the  express  pur 
pose  of  carrying  into  execution  the  several  Acts  relating 
to  the  Revenue  and  trade  in  America. 

AFTER  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp-Act,  having  again  re 
signed  ourselves  to  our  antient  unsuspicious  affections 
for  the  parent  state,  and  anxious  to  avoid  any  con 
troversy  with  her,  in  hopes  of  a  favorable  alteration  in 
sentiments  and  measures  toward  us,  we  did  not  press 
our  objections  against  the  above  mentioned  Statutes 
made  subsequent  to  that  repeal. 

ADMINISTRATION  attributing  to  trifling  causes,  a  con 
duct  that  really  proceeded  from  generous  motives,  were 
encouraged  in  the  same  year  (1767)  to  make  a  bolder 
experiment  on  the  patience  of  America. 

BY  a  Statute  commonly  called  the  Glass,  Paper,  and 
Tea  Act,  made  fifteen  months  after  the  repeal  of  the 
Stamp-Act,  the  Commons  of  Great-Britain  resumed  their 
former  language,  and  again  undertook  to  "give  and  grant 
rates  and  duties  to  be  paid  in  these  Colonies,"  for  the 
express  purpose  of  "raising  a  revenue,  to  defray  the 
charges  of  the  administration  of  justice,  the  support  of 
civil  government,  and  defending  the  King's  dominions," 
on  this  continent.  The  penalties  and  forfeitures,  in 
curred  under  this  Statute,  are  to  be  recovered  in  the  same 
manner  with  those  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  Acts. 

To  this  Statute,  so  naturally  tending  to  disturb  the 
tranquillity  then  universal  throughout  the  Colonies, 
Parliament,  in  the  same  session,  added  another  no  less 
extraordinary. 

EVER  since  the  making  the  present  peace,  a  standing 

226 


S    F~~E    E     C    H 

Of  the  HuNot  R.\n  r 

Cadwalladcr  Cokkn,  Elq; 


"  His  Majefty's  Lieut.  G 
of  New-  York,  and  the  T 

To  the  Council  and  the  G:nwa!  . 
On  FRI 


Gentlemen  cf  the  C,.v 

1  THINK  it  unn. 
to  your  Attention 
whatever  may  be  fou 
Government,    or    the  HappineiY  of    hin   I\oplc    i..    I.,.*   C..:,  i,y,   1 
fbali  chearfully  promote. 

Gentlemtn  of  the  Gcntrjl  stj-Mly, 

The  Support  of  liis  M.ijdly'-,  Government,  and  other  Allowances 
for  his  Service,  I  doubt  not  you  will  readily  provide  for. 
Gtntltmcn  of  the  General  stfmhly, 

We  cannot  futficiently  Limcnt  the  pn.-|l-nt  tlilb'-dcr.  d  State  of  the 
Colonies.  The  Dilputc  between  Our  \'i-I>i;i  IAIN  .ind  !>cr  A  ,  -i 

DOMINIONS,  is  now  brought   to  the  moft  alarming  Crifij,  »:»!  tills 
every  humane    Bread    with   the  dcepcrt   AffVuiu  n.     It    i-   i      jpoo, 
Gentlemen,  in   this  anxioui  Moment.  ,hjt   y.iiir   Country  ! 
for  Counfel  ;  and  on  you  it,   in  a  ^rot    M    i  .....      ^ 
Her  from  Evils    of  the  moft   ruinous   Tcnduuv.      i\.\vrt    . 
then  with    the  Firmncfs   becoming  your  important   Otiitc.     il    vuur 
Conflituents  are  ilifcontentcd  and  apprcfccnuve,  cxamiiu  their  Co?n- 
plaints   with  Calmncis  .ind   Dvliheration,  and  deterini.ic    upon  them 
with  an  honeft  Impartiality.     If  you  find  them  :  ihded, 

purfue  the  Means  of  Redrcfs  which  the  Cunflitutton  has  point  ;i  t<  u  : 
Supplicate  the  Throne,  :;::u  our  moil  yratioui  Sovereign  uill  hear 
and  relieve  you  with  p  .tcrnal  Tcnderncis.  Hut  I  entreat  yju,  as  you 
regard  the  Ilappinefs  of  your  Country,  to  difcountcnance  every 
Meai'ure  which,  may  in.rcalc  our  DiftrtlV  :  And  anxious  for  the 
Rc-eftabliihment  of  Harmony,  with  that  Power  with  whkh  you  are 
conncfted  hy  the  Ties  of  Blood,  Religion,  Intcrcft  and  Duty,  prove 
yourfelves,  by  your  Conduct  on  this  Otcilion,  carncrtly  follicitous 
for  a  cordial  and  permanent  Reconciliation. 

Gfntkmen  of  the  Council  Jitii  General  Affeaiilj  , 

In  the  Abfence  of  our  moft  worthy  Governor  in  Chief,  mi  Icfs 
diflinguimed  by  his  exteniive  Abilities  than  his  '/cal  for  the  Honour 
of  the  Crown  and  his  AfleSion  for  the  People  of  thi-  Province,  nnd 
at  fo  critical  a  Conjuncture,  it  give*  Me  great  Con|'>Utiun  thut  I  can 
repofe  the  utmoft  Confidence  in  your  Wifdom,  your  Attachment  to 
the  Conftitution,  and  your  Regard  for  the  Intercft  of  the  Hritiili 
Empire.  And  you  may  be  affured  that  my  moil  Itrcnuous  Krtorts 
/hall  be  exerted  to  co-cperate  with  you,  in  rcftoring  that  Tranqiiility 
which  muft  be  the  ardent  Defire  of  every  wile,  virtuous  and  ioy.tl 
Subject 

CADWALLADER   COLDEN. 


FACSIMILE  OF  THE  SPEECH  OF  CADWALLADER  COLDEN,  JANUARY  13,  1775 
VOL,  IV, — 16 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

army  has  been  kept  in  these  Colonies.  From  respect 
for  the  mother  country,  the  innovation  was  not  only 
tolerated,  but  the  provincial  Legislatures  generally  made 
provision  for  supplying  the  troops. 

THE  Assembly  of  the  province  of  New- York,  having 
passed  an  Act  of  this  kind,  but  differing  in  some  articles, 
from  the  directions  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  made  in 
the  fifth  year  of  this  reign,  the  House  of  Representatives 
in  that  Colony  was  prohibited  by  a  Statute  made  in 
the  session  last  mentioned,  from  making  any  bill,  order, 
resolution  or  vote,  except  for  adjourning  or  chusing  a 
Speaker,  until  provision  should  be  made  by  the  said 
assembly  for  furnishing  the  troops  within  that  province, 
not  only  with  all  such  necessaries  as  were  required  by 
the  Statute  which  they  were  charged  with  disobeying,  but 
also  with  those  required  by  two  other  subsequent  Statutes, 
which  were  declared  to  be  in  force  until  the  twenty- 
fourth  day  of  March,  1769. 

THESE  Statutes  of  the  year  1767  revived  the  appre 
hensions  and  discontents,  that  had  entirely  subsided  on 
the  repeal  of  the  Stamp-Act;  and  amidst  the  just  fears 
and  jealousies  thereby  occasioned  a  Statute  was  made 
in  the  next  year  (1768)  to  establish  Courts  of  Admiralty 
and  Vice  Admiralty  on  a  new  model,  expressly  for  the 
end  of  more  effectually  recovering  of  the  penalties  and 
forfeitures  inflicted  by  Acts  of  Parliament,  framed  for 
the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America,  &c. 

THE  immediate  tendency  of  these  statutes  is,  to  sub 
vert  the  right  of  having  a  share  in  legislation,  by  ren 
dering  Assemblies  useless;  the  right  of  property,  by 
taking  the  money  of  the  Colonists  without  their  con 
sent;  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  by  substituting  in  their 
place  trials  in  Admiralty  and  Vice-Admiralty  Courts, 
where  single  Judges  preside,  holding  their  Commissions 
during  pleasure;  and  unduly  to  influence  the  Courts  of 
common  law,  by  rendering  the  Judges  thereof  totally 
dependent  on  the  Crown  for  their  salaries. 

228 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

THESE  statutes,  not  to  mention  many  others  ex 
ceedingly  exceptionable,  compared  one  with  another, 
will  be  found,  not  only  to  form  a  regular  system, 
in  which  every  part  has  great  force,  but  also  a  per 
tinacious  adherence  to  that  system,  for  subjugating 
these  Colonies,  that  are  not,  and  from  local  circum 
stances,  cannot,  be  represented  in  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  to  the  uncontroulable  and  unlimited  power  of 
Parliament,  in  violation  of  their  undoubted  rights  and 
liberties,  in  contempt  of  their  humble  and  repeated 
supplications. 

THIS  conduct  must  appear  equally  astonishing  and 
unjustifiable,  when  it  is  considered  how  unprovoked  it 
has  been  by  any  behavior  of  these  Colonies.  From 
their  first  settlement,  their  bitterest  enemies  never 
fixed  on  any  of  them  any  charge  of  disloyalty  to  their 
Sovereign  or  disaffection  to  their  Mother-Country.  In 
the  wars  she  has  carried  on,  they  have  exerted  themselves 
whenever  required,  in  giving  her  assistance;  and  have 
rendered  her  services,  which  she  had  publickly  acknowl 
edged  to  be  extremely  important.  Their  fidelity,  duty 
and  usefulness  during  the  last  war,  were  frequently  and 
affectionately  confessed  by  his  late  Majesty  and  the 
present  King. 

THE  reproaches  of  those,  who  are  most  unfriendly 
to  the  freedom  of  America,  are  principally  levelled 
against  the  province  of  Massachusetts-Bay;  but  with 
what  little  reason,  will  appear  by  the  following  declara 
tions  of  a  person,  the  truth  of  whose  evidence,  in  their 
favour,  will  not  be  questioned  .  .  .  Governor  Bernard 
thus  addressed  the  two  Houses  of  Assembly  ...  in  his 
speech  on  the  24th  of  April,  1762  .  .  .  "The  unanimity 
and  despatch,  with  which  you  have  complied  with  the 
requisitions  of  his  Majesty,  require  my  particular  ac 
knowledgment.  And  it  gives  me  additional  pleasure  to 
observe,  that  you  have  therein  acted  under  no  other 
influence  than  a  due  sense  of  your  duty,  both  as  mem- 

229 


A  HISTORY  OP  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

bers  of  a  general  empire,  and  as  the  body  of  a  particular 
province." 

IN  another  speech  on  the  2yth  of  May,  in  the  same 
year,  he  says,  .  .  .  "Whatever  shall  be  the  event  of  the 
war,  it  must  be  no  small  satisfaction  to  us,  that  this 
province  hath  contributed  its  full  share  to  the  support 
of  it.  Every  thing  that  hath  been  required  of  it  hath  been 
complied  with;  and  the  execution  of  the  powers  com 
mitted  to  me,  for  raising  the  provincial  troops  hath  been 
as  full  and  complete  as  the  grant  of  them.  Never 
before  were  regiments  so  easily  levied,  so  well  com 
posed,  and  so  early  in  the  field  as  they  have  been  this 
year;  the  common  people  seemed  to  be  animated  with 
the  spirit  of  the  general  Court,  and  to  vie  with  them 
in  their  readiness  to  serve  the  King." 

SUCH  was  the  conduct  of  the  People  of  the  Massa 
chusetts-Bay,  during  the  last  war.  As  to  their  behavior 
before  that  period,  it  ought  not  to  have  been  forgot  in 
Great  Britain,  that  not  only  on  every  occasion  they  had 
constantly  and  chearfully  complied  with  the  frequent 
royal  requisitions — but  that  chiefly  by  their  vigorous 
efforts,  Nova-Scotia  was  subdued  in  1710,  and  Louis- 
bourg  in  1745. 

FOREIGN  quarrels  being  ended,  and  the  domestic  dis 
turbances,  that  quickly  succeeded  on  account  of  the 
stamp-act,  being  quieted  by  its  repeal,  the  Assembly 
of  Massachusetts-Bay  transmitted  an  humble  address 
of  thanks  to  the  King  and  divers  Noblemen,  and  soon 
after  passed  a  bill  for  granting  compensation  to  the 
sufferers  in  the  disorder  occasioned  by  that  act. 

THESE  circumstances  and  the  following  extracts  from 
Governor  Bernard's  Letters  in  1768,  to  the  Earl  of  Shel- 
burne,  Secretary  of  State,  clearly  shew,  with  what  grate 
ful  tenderness  they  strove  to  bury  in  oblivion  the  un 
happy  occasion  of  the  late  discord,  and  with  what 
respectful  deference  they  endeavored  to  escape  other 
subjects  of  future  controversy.  "The  House  (says  the 

230 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

Governor)  from  the  time  of  opening  the  session  to  this 
day,  has  shewn  a  disposition  to  avoid  all  dispute  with 
me;  every  thing  having  passed  with  as  much  good 
humour  as  I  could  desire,  except  only  their  continuing 
to  act  in  addressing  the  King,  remonstrating  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  and  employing  a  separate  agent.  It 
is  the  importance  of  this  innovation,  without  any  wil- 
fulness  of  my  own  which  induces  me  to  make  this  re 
monstrance  at  a  time  when  I  have  a  fair  prospect  of 
having,  in  all  other  business,  nothing  but  good  to  say 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  House."  * 

"THEY  have  acted  in  all  things,  even  in  their  remon 
strance,  with  temper  and  moderation;  they  have  avoided 
some  subjects  of  dispute,  and  have  laid  a  toundation 
for  removing  some  causes  of  former  altercation."  § 

"I  shall  make  such  a  prudent  and  proper  use  of  this 
Letter,  as,  I  hope,  will  perfectly  restore  the  peace  and 
tranquillity  of  this  province,  for  which  purpose  con 
siderable  steps  have  been  made  by  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives."  II 

THE  vindication  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  contained  in  these  Letters,  will  have  greater  force 
if  it  be  considered  that  they  were  written  several  months 
after  the  fresh  alarm  given  to  the  colonies  by  the  stat 
utes  passed  in  the  preceding  year. 

IN  this  place  it  seems  proper  to  take  notice  of  the  in 
sinuation  in  one  of  these  statutes,  that  the  interference 
of  Parliament  was  necessary  to  provide  for  "defraying 
the  charge  of  the  administration  of  justice,  the  sup 
port  of  civil  government,  and  defending  the  King's  do 
minions  in  America." 

As  to  the  two  first  articles  of  expence,  every  colony 
had  made  such  provision,  as  by  their  respective  Assem 
blies,  the  best  judges  on  such  occasions,  was  thought 
expedient,  and  suitable  to  their  several  circumstances. 

*  January  21,  1768.          §  January  30,  1768.  n  February  2,  1768. 

231 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

Respecting  the  last,  it  is  well  known  to  all  men  the  least 
acquainted  with  American  affairs,  that  the  colonies 
were  established,  and  have  generally  defended  them 
selves,  without  the  least  assistance  from  Great-Britain; 
and,  that  at  the  time  of  her  taxing  them  by  the  statutes 
before  mentioned,  most  of  them  were  labouring  under 
very  heavy  debts  contracted  in  the  last  war.  So  far 
were  they  from  sparing  their  money,  when  their  Sov 
ereign,  constitutionally  asked  their  aids,  that  during 
the  course  of  that  war,  Parliament  repeatedly  made 
them  compensations  for  the  expences  of  those  strenuous 
efforts,  which,  consulting  their  zeal  rather  than  their 
strength,  they  had  chearfully  incurred. 

SEVERE  as  the  Acts  of  Parliament  before  mentioned 
are,  yet  the  conduct  of  Administration  has  been  equally 
injurious,  and  irritating  to  this  devoted  country. 

UNDER  pretence  of  governing  them,  so  many  new 
institutions,  uniformly  rigid  and  dangerous,  have  been 
introduced,  as  could  only  be  expected  from  incensed 
masters,  for  collecting  the  tribute  or  rather  the  plunder 
of  conquered  provinces. 

BY  an  order  ot  the  King,  the  authority  of  the  Com 
mander  in  chief,  and  under  him  of  the  Brigadiers  general, 
in  time  of  peace,  is  rendered  supreme  in  all  the  civil 
governments  in  America;  and  thus  an  uncontroulable 
military  power  is  vested  in  officers  not  known  to  the 
constitution  of  these  colonies. 

A  LARGE  body  of  troops  and  a  considerable  armament 
of  ships  of  war  have  been  sent  to  assist  in  taking  their 
money  without  their  consent. 

EXPENSIVE  and  oppressive  offices  have  been  multi 
plied,  and  the  acts  of  corruption  industriously  practised 
to  divide  and  destroy. 

THE  Judges  of  the  Admiralty  and  Vice-Admiralty 
Courts  are  impowered  to  receive  their  salaries  and  fees 
from  the  effects  to  be  condemned  by  themselves. 

THE  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  are  empowered  to 

232 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

break  open  and  enter  houses  without  the  authority  of 
any  civil  magistrate  founded  on  legal  information. 

JUDGES  of  Courts  of  Common  Law  have  been  made 
entirely  dependent  on  the  Crown  for  their  commissions 
and  salaries. 

A  COURT  has  been  established  at  Rhode-Island,  for 
the  purpose  of  taking  Colonists  to  England  to  be  tried. 

HUMBLE  and  reasonable  petitions  from  the  representa 
tives  of  the  people  have  been  frequently  treated  with 
contempt;  and  Assemblies  have  been  repeatedly  and 
arbitrarily  dissolved. 

FROM  some  few  instances  it  will  sufficiently  appear, 
on  what  pretences  of  justice  those  dissolutions  have 
been  founded. 

THE  tranquillity  of  the  colonies  having  been  again 
disturbed,  as  has  been  mentioned,  by  the  statutes  of 
the  year  1767,  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  Secretary  of 
State,  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Bernard,  dated  April 
22,  1768,  censures  the  "presumption"  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  for  "resolving  upon  a  measure  of  so 
inflammatory  a  nature  as  that  of  writing  to  the  other 
colonies,  on  the  subject  of  their  intended  representations 
against  some  late  Acts  of  Parliament"  then  declares  that, 
"his  majesty  considers  this  step  as  evidently  tending  to 
create  unwarrantable  combinations  to  excite  an  unjusti 
fiable  opposition  to  the  constitutional  authority  of  Par 
liament." — And  afterwards  adds,  "It  is  the  King's 
pleasure,  that  as  soon  as  the  General  Court  is  again 
assembled,  at  the  time  prescribed  by  the  Charter,  you 
should  require  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  his 
Majesty's  name,  to  rescind  the  resolution  which  gave 
birth  to  the  circular  letter  from  the  Speaker,  and  to 
declare  their  disapprobation  of,  and  "dissent  to  that 
rash  and  hasty  proceeding." 

"!F  the  new  Assembly  should  refuse  to  comply  with 
his  Majesty's  reasonable  expectation,  it  is  the  King's 
pleasure,  that  you  should  immediately  dissolve  them." 

233 


The  RiffhtHoiftThe  EARL  offfiLLSBOROUGlI. 


THE   EARL   OF    HILLSBOROUGH 
(Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  1768-72) 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

THIS  letter  being  laid  before  the  House,  and  the  reso 
lution  not  being  rescinded  according  to  order,  the  As 
sembly  was  dissolved.  A  letter  of  a  similar  nature  was 
sent  to  other  Governors  to  procure  resolutions  approv 
ing  the  conduct  of  the  Representatives  of  Massachusetts- 
Bay,  to  be  rescinded  also;  and  the  Houses  of  Represen 
tatives  in  other  colonies  refusing  to  comply,  Assemblies 
were  dissolved. 

THESE  mandates  spoke  a  language  to  which  the  ears 
of  English  subjects  had  for  several  generations  been 
strangers.  The  nature  of  assemblies  implies  a  power 
and  right  of  deliberation;  but  these  commands,  pro 
scribing  the  exercise  of  judgment  on  the  propriety  of  the 
requisitions  made,  left  to  the  Assemblies  only  the  elec 
tion  between  dictated  submission  and  threatened  pun 
ishment:  A  punishment  too,  founded  on  no  other  act, 
than  such  as  is  deemed  innocent  even  in  slaves — of 
agreeing  in  petitions  for  redress  of  grievances,  that 
equally  affect  all. 

THE  hostile  and  unjustifiable  invasion  of  the  town  of 
Boston  soon  followed  these  events  in  the  same  year; 
though  that  town,  the  province  in  which  it  is  situated 
and  all  the  colonies,  from  abhorrence  of  a  contest  with 
their  parent  state,  permitted  the  execution  even  of 
those  statutes,  against  which  they  were  so  unanimously 
complaining,  remonstrating,  and  supplicating. 

ADMINISTRATION,  determined  to  subdue  a  spirit  of 
freedom,  which  English  Ministers  should  have  rejoiced  to 
cherish,  entered  into  a  monopolizing  combination  with 
the  East-India  company,  to  send  to  this  continent  vast 
quantities  of  Tea,  an  article  on  which  a  duty  was  laid 
by  a  statute,  that,  in  a  particular  manner,  attacked  the 
liberties  of  America,  and  which  therefore  the  inhabi 
tants  of  these  Colonies  had  resolved  not  to  import. 
The  cargo  sent  to  South-Carolina  was  stored,  and  not 
allowed  to  be  sold.  Those  sent  to  Philadelphia  and 
New- York  were  not  permitted  to  be  landed.  That  sent 

235 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

to  Boston  was  destroyed,  because  Governor  Hutchinson 
would  not  suffer  it  to  be  returned. 

ON  the  intelligence  of  these  transactions  arriving  in 
Great-Britain,  the  public  spirited  town  last  mentioned 
was  singled  out  for  destruction,  and  it  was  determined, 
the  province  it  belongs  to  should  partake  of  its  fate. 
In  the  last  session  of  parliament  therefore  were  passed 
the  acts  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  indemnifying 
the  murderers  of  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts-Bay, 
and  changing  their  chartered  constitution  of  government. 
To  inforce  these  acts,  that  province  is  again  invaded  by 
a  fleet  and  army. 

To  mention  these  outrageous  proceedings,  is  sufficient 
to  explain  them.  For  tho'  it  is  pretended  that  the 
province  of  Massachusetts-Bay  has  been  particularly 
disrespectful  to  Great-Britain,  yet  in  truth  the  behavior 
of  the  people,  in  other  colonies,  has  been  an  equal 
"opposition  to  the  power  assumed  by  parliament." 
No  step  however  has  been  taken  against  any  of  the  rest. 
This  artful  conduct  conceals  several  designs.  It  is 
expected  that  the  province  of  Massachusetts-Bay  will 
be  irritated  into  some  violent  action,  that  may  displease 
the  rest  of  the  continent,  or  that  may  induce  the  people 
of  Great-Britain  to  approve  the  meditated  vengeance 
of  an  imprudent  and  exasperated  ministry. 

IF  the  unexampled  pacific  temper  of  that  province 
shall  disappoint  this  part  of  the  plan,  it  is  hoped  the 
other  colonies  will  not  be  so  far  intimidated  as  to  desert 
their  brethren,  suffering  in  a  common  cause,  and  that 
thus  disunited  all  may  be  subdued. 

To  promote  these  designs,  another  measure  has  been 
pursued.  In  the  session  of  parliament  last  mentioned, 
an  act  was  passed,  for  changing  the  government  of 
Quebec,  by  which  act  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  in 
stead  of  being  tolerated,  as  stipulated  by  the  treaty 
of  peace,  is  established;  and  the  people  there  are  de 
prived  of  the  right  to  an  assembly,  trials  by  jury,  and 

236 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

the  English  laws,  in  civil  cases,  are  abolished,  and  in 
stead  thereof,  the  French  laws  are  established,  in  direct 
violation  of  his  Majesty's  promise  by  his  royal  proclama 
tion,  under  the  faith  of  which  many  English  subjects 
settled  in  that  province:  And  the  limits  of  that  prov 
ince  are  extended  so  as  to  comprehend  those  vast  regions 
that  lie  adjoining  to  the  northerly  and  westerly  boun 
daries  of  these  colonies. 

THE  authors  of  this  arbitrary  arrangement  flatter 
themselves,  that  the  inhabitants,  deprived  of  liberty, 
and  artfully  provoked  against  those  of  another  religion, 
will  be  proper  instruments  for  assisting  in  the  oppression 
of  such,  as  differ  from  them  in  modes  of  government 
and  faith. 

FROM  the  detail  of  facts  herein  before  recited,  as  well 
as  from  authentic  intelligence  received,  it  is  clear,  be 
yond  a  doubt,  that  a  resolution  is  formed  and  now  carry 
ing  into  execution,  to  extinguish  the  freedom  of  these 
colonies,  by  subjecting  them  to  a  despotic  government. 

AT  this  unhappy  period,  wTe  have  been  authorized  and 
directed  to  meet  and  consult  together  for  the  welfare 
of  our  common  country.  We  accepted  the  important 
trust  with  diffidence,  but  have  endeavored  to  discharge 
it  with  integrity.  Though  the  state  of  these  colonies 
would  certainly  justify  other  measures  than  we  have 
advised,  yet  weighty  reasons  determined  us  to  prefer 
those  which  we  have  adopted.  In  the  first  place,  it 
appeared  to  us  a  conduct  becoming  the  character  these 
colonies  have  ever  sustained,  to  perform,  even  in  the 
midst  of  the  unnatural  distresses  and  immediate  dan 
gers  which  surround  them,  every  act  of  loyalty;  and 
therefore,  we  were  induced  to  offer  once  more  to  his 
Majesty  the  petitions  of  his  faithful  and  oppressed  sub 
jects  in  America.  Secondly,  regarding  with  the  tender 
affection,  which  we  knew  to  be  so  universal  among  our 
countrymen,  the  people  of  the  kingdom,  from  which  we 
derive  our  origin,  we  could  not  forbear  to  regulate  our 

237 


THE    EARL    OF    DARTMOUTH 

(He  succeeded  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough  as  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Colonies  in  August,  1772) 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

steps  by  an  expectation  of  receiving  full  conviction,  that 
the  colonists  are  equally  dear  to  them.  Between  these 
provinces  and  that  body  subsists  the  social  bond,  which 
we  ardently  wish  may  never  be  dissolved,  and  which 
cannot  be  dissolved,  until  their  minds  shall  become  in 
disputably  hostile,  or  their  inattention  shall  permit  those 
who  are  thus  hostile  to  persist  in  prosecuting  with  the 
powers  of  the  realm  the  destructive  measures  already 
operating  against  the  colonists;  and  in  either  case,  shall 
reduce  the  latter  to  such  a  situation,  that  they  shall 
be  compelled  to  renounce  every  regard,  but  that  of 
self-preservation.  Notwithstanding  the  vehemence  with 
which  affairs  have  been  impelled,  they  have  not  yet 
reached  that  fatal  point.  We  do  not  incline  to  accelerate 
their  motion,  already  alarmingly  rapid;  we  have  chosen 
a  method  of  opposition,  that  does  not  preclude  a  hearty 
reconciliation  with  our  fellow  citizens  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Atlantic.  We  deeply  deplore  the  urgent  necessity 
that  presses  us  to  an  immediate  interruption  of  com 
merce,  that  may  prove  injurious  to  them.  We  trust 
they  will  acquit  us  of  any  unkind  intentions  towards 
them,  by  reflections,  that  we  subject  ourselves  to  similar 
inconveniences;  that  we  are  driven  by  the  hands  of 
violence  into  unexperienced  and  unexpected  public  con 
vulsions,  and  that  we  are  contending  for  freedom,  so 
often  contended  for  by  our  ancestors. 

THE  people  of  England  will  soon  have  an  opportunity 
of  declaring  their  sentiments  concerning  our  cause.  In 
their  piety,  generosity,  and  good  sense,  we  repose  high 
confidence;  and  cannot,  upon  a  review  of  past  events, 
be  persuaded,  that  they,  the  defenders  of  true  religion, 
and  the  assertors  of  the  rights  of  mankind,  will  take 
part  against  their  affectionate  Protestant  brethren  in 
the  colonies,  in  favour  of  our  open  and  their  own  secret 
enemies,  whose  intrigues,  for  several  years  past,  have 
been  wholly  exercised  in  sapping  the  foundations  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty. 

239 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

ANOTHER  reason,  that  engaged  us  to  prefer  the  com 
mercial  mode  of  opposition,  arose  from  an  assurance, 
that  the  mode  will  prove  efficacious,  if  it  be  persisted  in 
with  fidelity  and  virtue;  and  that  your  conduct  will  be 
influenced  by  these  laudable  principles,  cannot  be  ques 
tioned.  Your  own  salvation,  and  that  of  your  posterity, 
now  depends  upon  yourselves.  You  have  already  shewn 
that  you  entertain  a  proper  sense  of  the  blessings  you 
are  striving  to  retain.  Against  the  temporary  incon 
veniences  you  may  suffer  from  a  stoppage  of  trade,  you 
will  weigh  in  the  opposite  balance,  the  endless  miseries 
you  and  your  descendants  must  endure  from  an  estab 
lished  arbitrary  power.  You  will  not  forget  the  honour 
of  your  country,  that  must  from  your  behaviour  take 
its  title  in  the  estimation  of  the  world,  to  glory,  or  to 
shame;  and  you  will,  with  the  deepest  attention,  reflect, 
that  if  the  peaceable  mode  of  opposition  recommended 
by  us  be  broken  and  rendered  ineffectual,  as  your  cruel 
and  haughty  ministerial  enemies,  from  a  contemptuous 
opinion  of  your  firmness,  insolently  predict  will  be  the  case, 
you  must  inevitably  be  reduced  to  chuse  either  a  more  dan 
gerous  contest,  or  a  final  ruinous,  and  infamous  submission. 

MOTIVES  thus  cogent,  arising  from  the  emergency  of 
your  unhappy  condition,  must  excite  your  utmost  dili 
gence  and  zeal,  to  give  all  possible  strength  and  energy 
to  the  pacific  measures  calculated  for  your  relief:  But 
we  think  ourselves  bound  in  duty  to  observe  to  you, 
that  the  schemes  agitated  against  these  colonies  have 
been  so  conducted,  as  to  render  it  prudent,  that  you 
should  extend  your  views  to  mournful  events,  and  be 
in  all  respects  prepared  for  every  contingency.  Above 
all  things  we  earnestly  entreat  you,  with  devotion  of 
spirit,  penitence  of  heart,  and  amendment  of  life,  to 
humble  yourselves,  and  implore  the  favour  of  Almighty 
GOD  :  and  we  fervently  beseech  his  divine  goodness,  to 
take  you  into  his  gracious  protection. 

Adopted  October  21,  1774. 

240 


BURKE'S  CONCILIATING  PROPOSALS,  1775 

On  March  22,  1775,  Edmund  Burke  made  a 
memorable  speech  in  the  British  Parliament,  plead 
ing  for  conciliation  with  the  American  colonies, 
based  on  the  following  proposals  which  he  had 
previously  introduced  (text  of  extract  from  first 
edition  of  Burke's  Speech,  London,  Dodsley,  1775). 
(See  page  45.) 

"That  the  Colonies  and  Plantations  of  Great-Britain 
in  North-America,  consisting  of  Fourteen  separate  Gov 
ernments,  and  containing  two  millions  and  upwards  of 
Free  Inhabitants,  have  not  had  the  liberty  and  privilege 
of  electing  and  sending  any  Knights  and  Burgesses,  or 
others,  to  represent  them  in  the  High  Court  of  Parlia 
ment." 

"That  the  said  Colonies  and  Plantations  have  been 
made  liable  to,  and  bounden  by,  several  subsidies,  pay 
ments,  rates,  and  taxes,  given  and  granted  by  Parlia 
ment;  though  the  said  Colonies  and  Plantations  have 
not  their  Knights  and  Burgesses,  in  the  said  high  court 
of  Parliament,  of  their  own  election,  to  represent  the 
condition  of  their  country;  by  lack  whereof,  they  have 
been  oftentimes  touched  and  grieved  by  subsidies  given, 
granted,  and  assented  to,  in  the  -said  Court,  in  a  manner 
prejudicial  to  the  commonwealth,  quietness,  rest,  and  peace, 
of  the  subjects  inhabiting  within  the  same." 

"That,  from  the  distance  of  the  said  Colonies,  and 
from  other  circumstances,  no  method  hath  hitherto  been 

241 


A  HISTORY  OP  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

devised  for  procuring  a  Representation  in  Parliament  for 
the  said  Colonies." 

"That  each  of  the  said  Colonies  hath  within  itself  a 
Body,  chosen,  in  part  or  in  the  whole,  by  the  Freemen, 
Freeholders,  or  other  Free  Inhabitants  thereof,  com 
monly  called  the  General  Assembly,  or  General  Court; 


liDMUKD 


EDMUND   BURKE 

(From  an  old  print  representing  him  as  "The  British  Cicero") 


242 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

with  powers  legally  to  raise,  levy,  and  assess,  according 
to  the  several  usage  of  such  Colonies,  duties  and  taxes 
towards  defraying  all  sorts  of  public  services."  * 

"That  the  said  General  Assemblies,  General  Courts,  or 
other  bodies,  legally  qualified  as  aforesaid,  have  at  sun 
dry  times  freely  granted  several  large  subsidies  and 
public  aids  for  his  Majesty's  service,  according  to  their 
abilities,  when  required  thereto  by  letter  from  one  of 
his  Majesty's  Principal  Secretaries  of  State;  and  that 
their  right  to  grant  the  same,  and  their  chearfulness  and 
sufficiency  in  the  said  grants,  have  been  at  sundry  times 
acknowledged  by  Parliament." 

"That  it  hath  been  found  by  experience,  that  the 
manner  of  granting  the  said  supplies  and  aids,  by  the 
said  General  Assemblies,  hath  been  more  agreeable  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  said  Colonies,  and  more  beneficial 
and  conducive  to  the  public  service,  than  the  mode  of 
giving  and  granting  aids  and  subsidies  in  Parliament  to 
be  raised  and  paid  in  the  said  Colonies." 

"That  it  may  be  proper  to  repeal  an  act  made  in  the 
7th  year  of  the  reign  of  his  present  Majesty,  intituled, 
An  Act  for  granting  certain  duties  in  the  British  Colonies 
and  Plantations  in  America;  for  allowing  a  draw-back 
of  the  duties  of  Customs,  upon  the  exportation  from  this 
kingdom,  of  coffee  and  cocoa-nuts,  of  the  produce  of  the 
said  Colonies  or  Plantations;  for  discontinuing  the  draw 
backs  payable  on  china  earthenware  exported  to  Ameri 
ca;  and  for  more  effectually  preventing  the  clandestine 
running  of  goods  in  the  said  Colonies  and  Planta 
tions." 

"That  it  may  be  proper  to  repeal  an  Act,  made  in  the 
I4th  year  of  the  reign  of  his  present  Majesty,  intituled, 

*  The  first  four  motions  and  the  last  had  the  previous  question  put  to 
them.  The  others  were  negatived.  The  words  in  italics  were,  by  an 
amendment  that  was  carried,  left  out  of  the  motion;  which  will  appear 
in  the  Journals,  though  it  is  not  the  practice  to  insert  such  amendments 
in  the  votes. 

VOL.  iv.— 17  243 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

An  Act  to  discontinue,  in  such  manner,  and  for  such 
time,  as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  landing  and  dis 
charging,  lading  or  shipping  of  goods,  wares,  and  mer- 


Hie  RK>litHonu70HN  EARL  of  BFTE.1 


THE   EARL    OF    BUTE 
(The  Counsellor  and  Guide  of  George  III.) 

chandise,  at  the  Town,  and  within  the  Harbour,  of  Bos 
ton,  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North 
America." 

"That  it  may  be  proper  to  repeal  an  Act  made  in 
the  1 4th  year  of  the  reign  of  his  present  Majesty,  in- 

244 


tituled,  An  Act  for  the  impartial  administration  of  jus 
tice,  in  cases  of  persons  questioned  for  any  acts  done 
by  them  in  the  execution  of  the  law,  or  for  the  sup 
pression  of  riots  and  tumults,  in  the  province  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  in  New  England." 

"That  it  is  proper  to  repeal  an  Act,  made  in  the  I4th 
year  of  the  reign  of  his  present  Majesty,  intituled,  An 
Act  for  the  better  regulating  the  government  of  the 
province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England." 

"That  it  is  proper  to  explain  and  amend  an  Act 
made  in  the  35th  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Henry  VIII, 
intituled,  An  Act  for  the  trial  of  treasons  committed 
out  of  the  King's  dominions." 

"That,  from  the  time  when  the  General  Assembly,  or 
General  Court,  of  any  Colony  or  Plantation,  in  North 
America,  shall  have  appointed,  by  act  of  Assembly  duly 
confirmed,  a  settled  salary  to  the  offices  of  the  Chief 
Justice  and  Judges  of  the  superior  courts,  it  may  be 
proper  that  the  said  Chief  Justice  and  other  Judges  of 
the  superior  courts  of  such  colony  shall  hold  his  and  their 
office  and  offices  during  their  good  behaviour;  and  shall 
not  be  removed  therefrom,  but  when  the  said  removal 
shall  be  adjudged  by  his  Majesty  in  Council,  upon  a 
hearing  on  complaint  from  the  General  Assembly,  or  on 
a  complaint  from  the  Governor,  or  Council,  or  the  house 
of  representatives,  severally,  of  the  Colony  in  which  the 
said  Chief  Justice  and  other  Judges  have  exercised  the 
said  office." 

"That  it  may  be  proper  to  regulate  the  Courts  of 
Admiralty,  or  Vice-Admiralty,  authorized  by  the  I5th 
chapter  of  the  4th  of  George  III,  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  make  the  same  more  commodious  to  those  who  sue, 
or  are  sued,  in  the  said  courts;  and  to  provide  for  the 
decent  maintenance  of  the  Judges  of  the  same." 

The  concluding  words  of  this  great  speech  were: 

"We  ought  to  elevate  our  minds  to  the  greatness  of 
that  trust  to  which  the  order  of  Providence  has  called 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

us.  By  adverting  to  the  dignity  of  this  high  calling, 
our  ancestors  have  turned  a  savage  wilderness  into  a 
glorious  empire;  and  have  made  the  most  extensive  and 


EDMUND   BURKE 
(Prom  an  engraving  by  W.  Ridley.     After  a  miniature  by  W.  H.  Brown) 


the  only  honourable  conquests;  not  by  destroying,  but 
by  promoting,  the  wealth,  the  number,  the  happiness, 
of  the  human  race.  Let  us  get  an  American  revenue  as 
we  have  got  an  American  empire.  English  privileges 

246 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

have  made  it  all  that  it  is;  English  privileges  alone  will 
make  it  all  it  can  be.  In  full  confidence  of  this  unalter 
able  truth,  I  now  (quod  felix  faustumque  sit)  [and  may  it 
be  lucky  and  fortunatel  lay  the  first  stone  of  the  Temple 
of  Peace;  and  I  move  you, 

"  That  the  Colonies  and  Plantations  of  Great  Britain  in 
North  America,  consisting  of  Fourteen  separate  govern 
ments,  and  containing  two  millions  and  upwards  of  free 
inhabitants,  have  not  had  the  liberty,  and  privilege  of  elect 
ing  and  sending  any  Knights  and  Burgesses,  or  others, 
to  represent  them  in  the  high  Court  of  Parliament." 


"LIBERTY  OR  DEATH" 

PATRICK    HENRY'S    ORATION    IN    THE    RICHMOND 
CONVENTION,  MARCH  23,  1775 

On  March  23,  1775,  Patrick  Henry  offered  reso 
lutions  in  the  Richmond  convention  to  organize 
the  militia  and  put  the  colony  in  a  state  of  defense. 
The  resolutions  met  with  great  opposition,  and  in 
supporting  them  he  made  the  following  address 
(text  reprinted  from  "Harper's  Encyclopaedia  of 
United  States  History").  (See  page  49.) 

Mr.  President, — No  man  thinks  more  highly  than  I 
do  of  the  patriotism,  as  well  as  abilities,  of  the  very 
worthy  gentlemen  who  have  just  addressed  the  house. 
But  different  men  often  see  the  same  subject  in  differ 
ent  lights;  and,  therefore,  I  hope  it  will  not  be  thought 
disrespectful  to  those  gentlemen  if,  entertaining,  as  I 
do,  opinions  of  a  character  very  opposite  to  theirs,  I 
shall  speak  forth  my  sentiments  freely  and  without  re 
serve.  This  is  no  time  for  ceremony.  The  question  be 
fore  the  house  is  one  of  awful  moment  to  this  country. 
For  my  own  part,  I  consider  it  as  nothing  less  than  a 
question  of  freedom  or  slavery;  and  in  proportion  to 
the  magnitude  of  the  subject  ought  to  be  the  freedom  of 
the  debate.  It  is  only  in  this  way  that  we  can  hope  to 
arrive  at  truth,  and  fulfil  the  great  responsibility  which 
we  hold  to  God  and  our  country.  Should  I  keep  back 
my  opinions  at  such  a  time,  through  fear  of  giving  of 
fense,  I  should  consider  myself  as  guilty  of  treason  tow- 

248 


2 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

ards  my  country,  and  of  an  act  of  disloyalty  towards  the 
majesty  of  Heaven,  which  I  revere  above  all  earthly 
kings. 

Mr.  President,  it  is  natural  to  man  to  indulge  in  the 
illusions  of  hope.  We  are  apt  to  shut  our  eyes  against 
a  painful  truth,  and  listen  to  the  song  of  that  siren,  till 
she  transforms  us  into  beasts.  Is  this  the  part  of  wise 
men,  engaged  in  a  great  and  arduous  struggle  for  liberty? 
Are  we  disposed  to  be  of  the  number  of  those  who,  hav 
ing  eyes,  see  not,  and  having  ears,  hear  not,  the  things 
which  so  nearly  concern  their  temporal  salvation?  For 
my  part,  whatever  anguish  of  spirit  it  may  cost,  I  am 
willing  to  know  the  wThole  truth ;  to  know  the  worst  and 
to  provide  for  it. 

I  have  but  one  lamp  by  which  my  feet  are  guided, 
and  that  is  the  lamp  of  experience.  I  know  of  no  way 
of  judging  of  the  future  but  by  the  past.  And  judging 
by  the  past,  I  wish  to  know  what  there  has  been  in  the 
conduct  of  the  British  ministry  for  the  last  ten  years 
to  justify  those  hopes  with  which  gentlemen  have  been 
pleased  to  solace  themselves  and  the  house?  Is  it  that 
insidious  smile  with  which  our  petition  has  been  lately 
received?  Trust  it  not,  sir.  It  will  prove  a  snare  to 
your  feet.  Suffer  not  yourselves  to  be  betrayed  with  a 
kiss.  Ask  yourselves  how  this  gracious  reception  of 
our  petition  comports  with  those  warlike  preparations 
which  cover  our  waters  and  darken  our  land.  Are 
fleets  and  armies  necessary  to  a  work  of  love  and  recon 
ciliation?  Have  we  shown  ourselves  so  unwilling  to  be 
reconciled  that  force  must  be  called  in  to  win  back  our 
love?  Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves,  sir.  These  are  the 
implements  of  war  and  subjugation;  the  last  arguments 
to  which  kings  resort.  I  ask  gentlemen,  sir,  what  means 
this  martial  array,  if  its  purpose  be  not  to  force  us  to 
submission?  Can  gentlemen  assign  any  other  possible 
motive  for  it?  Has  Great  Britain  any  enemy,  in  this 
quarter  of  the  world,  to  call  for  all  this  accumulation  of 

250 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

navies  and  armies?  No,  sir,  she  has  none.  They  are 
meant  for  us;  they  can  be  meant  for  no  other.  They  are 
sent  over  to  bind  and  rivet  upon  us  those  chains  which 
the  British  ministry  have  been  so  long  forging.  And 
what  have  we  to  oppose  to  them?  Shall  we  try  argu 
ment?  Sir,  we  have  been  trying  that  for  the  last  ten 


HANOVER   COURT-HOUSE 

(It  was  in  this  building   that    Patrick    Henry  made   his   great  plea  in  the  celebrated 
"Parsons'  Cause"  in  1763) 


years.  Have  we  anything  new  to  offer  upon  the  sub 
ject?  Nothing.  We  have  held  the  subject  up  in  every 
light  of  which  it  is  capable;  but  it  has  all  been  in  vain. 
Shall  we  resort  to  entreaty  and  humble  supplication? 
What  terms  shall  we  find  which  have  not  been  already 
exhausted?  Let  us  not,  I  beseech  you,  sir,  deceive  our 
selves  longer.  Sir,  we  have  done  everything  that  could 
be  done  to  avert  the  storm  which  is  now  coming  on. 

251 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

We  have  petitioned;  we  have  remonstrated;  we  have 
supplicated;  we  have  prostrated  ourselves  before  the 
throne,  and  have  implored  its  interposition  to  arrest  the 
tyrannical  hands  of  the  ministry  and  Parliament.  Our 
petitions  have  been  slighted;  our  remonstrances  have 
produced  additional  violence  and  insult;  our  supplica 
tions  have  been  disregarded;  and  we  have  been  spurned 
with  contempt,  from  the  foot  of  the  throne!  In  vain, 
after  these  things,  may  we  indulge  the  fond  hope  of 
peace  and  reconciliation.  There  is  no  longer  any  room 
for  hope.  If  we  wish  to  be  free;  if  we  mean  to  preserve 
inviolate  those  inestimable  privileges  for  which  we  have 
been  so  long  contending:  if  we  mean  not  basely  to  aban 
don  the  noble  struggle  in  which  we  have  been  so  long 
engaged,  and  which  we  have  pledged  ourselves  never 
to  abandon,  until  the  glorious  object  of  our  contest  shall 
be  obtained,  we  must  fight!  I  repeat  it,  sir,  we  must 
fight!  An  appeal  to  arms  and  to  the  God  of  Hosts  is 
all  that  is  left  us! 

They  tell  us,  sir,  that  we  are  weak;  unable  to  cope 
with  so  formidable  an  adversary.  But  when  shall  we 
be  stronger?  Will  it  be  the  next  week  or  the  next  year? 
Will  it  be  when  we  are  totally  disarmed,  and  when  a 
British  guard  shall  be  stationed  in  every  house?  Shall 
we  gather  strength  by  irresolution  and  inaction?  Shall 
we  acquire  the  means  of  effectual  resistance  by  lying 
supinely  on  our  backs  and  hugging  the  delusive  phantom 
of  hope,  until  our  enemies  shall  have  bound  us  hand  and 
foot?  Sir,  we  are  not  weak,  if  we  make  a  proper  use 
of  those  means  which  the  God  of  nature  hath  placed 
in  our  power.  Three  millions  of  people,  armed  in  the 
holy  cause  of  liberty,  and  in  such  a  country  as  that 
which  we  possess,  are  invincible  by  any  force  which  our 
enemy  can  send  against  us.  Besides,  sir,  we  shall  not 
fight  our  battles  alone.  There  is  a  just  God  who  pre 
sides  over  the  destinies  of  nations,  and  who  will  raise 
up  friends  to  fight  our  battles  for  us.  The  battle,  sir, 

252 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

is  not  to  the  strong  alone;  it  is  to  the  vigilant,  the  active, 
the  brave.  Besides,  sir,  we  have  no  election.  If  we 
were  base  enough  to  desire  it,  it  is  now  too  late  to  retire 
from  the  contest.  There  is  no  retreat,  but  in  submission 
and  slavery!  Our  chains  are  forged!  Their  clanking 
may  be  heard  on  the  plains  of  Boston!  The  war  is  in 
evitable — and  let  it  come!  I  repeat  it,  sir,  let  it  come. 

It  is  vain,  sir,  to  extenuate  the  matter.  Gentlemen 
may  cry,  Peace,  peace — but  there  is  no  peace.  The  war 
is  actually  begun!  The  next  gale  that  sweeps  from  the 
north  will  bring  to  our  ears  the  clash  of  resounding  arms! 
Our  brethren  are  already  in  the  field!  Why  stand  here 
idle?  What  is  it  that  gentlemen  wish?  What  would 
they  have?  Is  life  so  dear,  or  peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be 
purchased  at  the  price  of  chains  and  slavery?  Forbid 
it,  Almighty  God!  I  know  not  what  course  others  may 
take;  but  as  for  me,  give  me  liberty  or  give  me  death! 


REPORT  OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS  ON  LORD 
NORTH'S  CONCILIATORY  RESOLUTION,  1775 

In  February,  1775,  Lord  North  received  informa 
tion  from  Benjamin  Franklin  which  greatly  dis 
heartened  him,  and,  armed  with  the  King's  con 
sent  in  writing,  he  proposed,  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  a  plan  for  conciliation.  It  was  on  the 
general  plan  that,  if  the  colonies  would  tax  them 
selves  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  ministry,  Parlia 
ment  would  impose  on  them  no  duties  except  for 
the  regulation  of  commerce.  The  report  of  the 
Congress,  July  31,  1775,  included  Lord  North's 
resolution,  and  then  expressed  the  following  opinion 
as  embodied  in  the  "Journals  of  the  American  Con 
gress:  from  1774  to  1788."  In  four  volumes.  Wash 
ington,  1823.  Vol.  I.,  pp.  132-134.  (See  page  55.) 

That  the  colonies  of  America  are  entitled  to  the  sole 
and  exclusive  privilege  of  giving  and  granting  their  own 
money:  that  this  involves  a  right  of  deliberating  whether 
they  will  make  any  gift  for  what  purposes  it  shall  be 
made,  and  what  shall  be  its  amount;  and  that  it  is  a 
high  breach  of  this  privilege  for  any  body  of  men,  ex 
traneous  to  their  constitutions,  to  prescribe  the  purposes 
for  which  money  shall  be  levied  on  them,  to  take  to 
themselves  the  authority  of  judging  of  their  conditions, 
circumstances  and  situations,  and  of  determining  the 
amount  of  the  contribution  to  be  levied. 

That  as  the  colonies  possess  a  right  of  appropriating 
their  gifts,  so  are  they  entitled  at  all  times  to  enquire 

254 


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A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

into  their  application,  to  see  that  they  be  not  wasted 
among  the  venal  and  corrupt  for  the  purpose  of  under 
mining  the  civil  rights  of  the  givers,  nor  yet  be  diverted 
to  the  support  of  standing  armies,  inconsistent  with 
their  freedom  and  subversive  of  their  quiet.  To  propose, 
therefore,  as  this  resolution  does,  that  the  monies  given 
by  the  colonies  shall  be  subject  to  the  disposal  of  parlia 
ment  alone,  is  to  propose  that  they  shall  relinquish  this 
right  of  enquiry,  and  put  it  in  the  power  of  others  to 
render  their  gifts  ruinous,  in  proportion  as  they  are 
liberal. 

That  this  privilege  of  giving  or  of  withholding  our 
monies,  is  an  important  barrier  against  the  undue  exer 
tion  of  prerogative,  which,  if  left  altogether  without 
controul,  may  be  exercised  to  our  great  oppression;  and 
all  history  shows  how  efficacious  is  its  intercessions  for 
redress  of  grievances  and  re-establishment  of  rights, 
and  how  improvident  it  would  be  to  part  with  so  power 
ful  a  mediator. 

We  are  of  opinion  that  the  proposition  contained  in 
this  resolution  is  unreasonable  and  insidious:  Unreason 
able,  because,  if  we  declare  we  accede  to  it,  we  declare, 
without  reservation,  we  will  purchase  the  favour  of 
parliament,  not  knowing  at  the  same  time  at  what  price 
they  will  please  to  estimate  their  favour;  it  is  insidious, 
because,  individual  colonies,  having  bid  and  bidden 
again,  till  they  find  the  avidity  of  the  seller  too  great  for 
all  their  powers  to  satisfy;  are  then  to  return  into  op 
position,  divided  from  their  sister  colonies  whom  the 
minister  will  have  previously  detached  by  a  grant  of 
easier  terms,  or  by  an  artful  procrastination  of  a  defini 
tive  answer. 

That  the  suspension  of  the  exercise  of  their  pretended 
power  of  taxation  being  expressly  made  commensurate 
with  the  continuance  of  our  gifts,  these  must  be  perpetual 
to  make  that  so.  Whereas  no  experience  has  shewn  that 
a  gift  of  perpetual  revenue  secures  a  perpetual  return  of 

256 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 


duty  or  of  kind  disposition.  On  the  contrary,  the  parlia 
ment  itself,  wisely  attentive  to  this  observation,  are 
in  the  established  practice  of  granting  their  supplies 
from  year  to  year  only. 

Desirous  and  determined,  as  we  are,  to  consider,  in 
the  most  dispassionate  view,  every  seeming  advance 
towards  a  recon 
ciliation  made  by 
the  British  parlia 
ment,  let  our  breth 
ren  of  Britain  re 
flect,  what  would 
have  been  the  sac 
rifice  to  men  of 
free  spirits,  had 
even  fair  terms 
been  proffered,  as 
these  insidious  pro 
posals  were  with 
circumstances  of 
insult  and  defiance. 
A  proposition  to 
give  our  money, 
accompanied  with 
large  fleets  and 
armies,  seems  ad 
dressed  to  our  fears 
rather  than  to  our 
freedom.  With 
what  patience 
would  Britons  have 
received  articles  of 

treaty  from  any  power  on  earth  when  borne  on  the  point 
of  the  bayonet  by  military  plenipotentiaries? 

We  think  the  attempt  unnecessary  to  raise  upon  us 
by  force  or  by  threats  our  proportional  contributions  to 
the  common  defence,  when  all  know,  and  themselves 

257 


JAMES   DUANE 

(In  1775   Duane  moved   in   Congress    to  open  negotia 
tions   in   order   to   accommodate  the  disputes  between 
Great  Britain  and  America) 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

acknowledge,  we  have  fully  contributed,  whenever  called 
upon  to  do  so  in  the  character  of  freemen. 

We  are  of  opinion  it  is  not  just  that  the  colonies  should 
be  required  to  oblige  themselves  to  other  contributions, 
while  Great-Britain  possesses  a  monopoly  of  their  trade. 
This  of  itself  lays  them  under  heavy  contribution.  To 
demand,  therefore,  additional  aids  in  the  form  of  a  tax, 
is  to  demand  the  double  of  their  equal  proportion:  if 
we  are  to  contribute  equally  with  the  other  parts  of  the 
empire,  let  us  equally  with  them  enjoy  free  commerce 
with  the  whole  world.  But  while  the  restrictions  on  our 
trade  shut  to  us  the  resources  of  wealth,  is  it  just  we 
should  bear  all  other  burthens  equally  with  those  to 
whom  every  resource  is  open? 

We  conceive  that  the  British  parliament  has  no  right 
to  intermeddle  with  our  provisions  for  the  support  of 
civil  government,  or  administration  of  justice.  The 
provisions  we  have  made,  are  such  as  please  ourselves, 
and  are  agreeable  to  our  own  circumstances:  They  an 
swer  the  substantial  purposes  of  government  and  of  jus 
tice,  and  other  purposes  than  these  should  not  be  an 
swered.  We  do  not  mean  that  our  people  shall  be 
burthened  with  oppressive  taxes,  to  provide  sinecures 
for  the  idle  or  the  wicked,  under  colour  of  providing  for 
a  civil  list.  While  parliament  pursue  their  plan  of  civil 
government  within  their  own  jurisdiction,  we  also  hope 
to  pursue  ours  without  molestation. 

We  are  of  opinion  the  proposition  is  altogether  un 
satisfactory,  because  it  imports  only  a  suspension  of  the 
mode,  not  a  renunciation  of  the  pretended  right  to  tax 
us:  because,  too,  it  does  not  propose  to  repeal  the  several 
acts  of  parliament  passed  for  the  purposes  of  restraining 
trade,  and  altering  the  form  of  government  of  one  of  our 
colonies:  extending  the  boundaries  and  changing  the 
government  of  Quebec;  enlarging  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  courts  of  admiralty  and  vice-admiralty;  taking 
from  us  the  rights  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  the  vicinage,  in 

258 


IT  ILL  I  AM  JACKS  O 

an  IMPORTER;**,  the 
BRAZEN  HEAD, 
North  Side  of  the  TOWN-HOUSE, 
and  Oppoftte  the    Town-Pumpt  in 
Corn-Mi,    BOSTON. 


It  is  defired  that  the  SONS  and 
DAUGHTERS  of  L I B  E  R  T  r, 
would  not  buy  any  one  thing  of 
him,  for  in  fb  doing  they  will  bring 
Difgrace  upon  ihemfebes,  and  their 
Pofterity,  for  ever  and  every  AMEN. 


BOYCOTTING    POSTER 


A  HISTORY  OP  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

cases  affecting  both  life  and  property;  transporting  us 
into  other  countries  to  be  tried  for  criminal  offences; 
exempting,  by  mock-trial,  the  murderers  of  colonists 
from  punishment;  and  quartering  soldiers  on  us  in 
times  of  profound  peace.  Nor  do  they  renounce  the 
power  of  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  for  [of] 
legislating  for  us  themselves  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 
On  the  contrary,  to  shew  they  mean  to  [no]  discontin 
uance  of  injury,  they  pass  acts,  at  the  very  time  of  hold 
ing  out  this  proposition,  for  restraining  the  commerce 
and  fisheries  of  the  provinces  of  New-England,  and  for 
interdicting  the  trade  of  other  colonies  with  all  for 
eign  nations,  and  with  each  other.  This  proves,  un 
equivocally,  they  mean  not  to  relinquish  the  exercise 
of  indiscriminate  legislation  over  us. 

Upon  the  whole,  this  proposition  seems  to  have  been 
held  up  to  the  world,  to  deceive  it  into  a  belief  that  there 
was  nothing  in  dispute  between  us  but  the  mode  of  levy 
ing  taxes;  and  that  the  parliament  having  now  been  so 
good  as  to  give  up  this,  the  colonies  are  unreasonable  it 
not  perfectly  satisfied:  Whereas,  in  truth,  our  adver 
saries  still  claim  a  right  of  demanding  ad  libitum,  and 
of  taxing  us  themselves  to  the  full  amount  of  their  de 
mand,  if  we  do  comply  with  it.  This  leaves  us  without 
any  thing  we  can  call  property.  But,  what  is  of  more 
importance,  and  what  in  this  proposal  they  keep  out 
of  sight,  as  if  no  such  point  was  now  in  contest  between 
us,  they  claim  a  right  to  alter  our  charters  and  establish 
laws,  and  leave  us  without  any  security  for  our  lives 
and  liberties.  The  proposition  seems  also  to  have  been 
calculated  more  particularly  to  lull  into  fatal  security, 
our  well-affected  fellow-subjects  on  the  other  side  the 
water,  till  time  should  be  given  for  the  operation  of  those 
arms,  which  a  British  minister  pronounced  would  in 
stantaneously  reduce  the  "cowardly"  sons  of  America 
to  unreserved  submission.  But,  when  the  world  reflects, 
how  inadequate  to  justice  are  these  vaunted  terms; 

260 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

when  it  attends  to  the  rapid  and  bold  succession  of  in 
juries,  which,  during  the  course  of  eleven  years,  have 
been  aimed  at  these  colonies;  when  it  reviews  the  pacific 
and  respectful  expostulations,  which,  during  that  whole 
time,  were  the  sole  arms  we  opposed  to  them;   when  it 
observes  that  our  complaints  were  either  not  heard  at 
all,  or  were   answered  with  new  and   accumulated  in 
juries;    when  it  recollects  that  the  minister  himself,  on 
an  early  occasion,  declared,  "that  he  would  never  treat 
with  America,  till  he  had  brought  her  to  his  feet,"  and 
that  an   avowed   partisan  of  ministry  has  more  lately 
denounced  against  us  the  dreadful  sentence,  " delenda  est 
Carthago;"  that  this  was  done  in  presence  of  a  British 
senate,  and  being  unreproved  by  them,  must  be  taken 
to  be  their  own  sentiment,  (especially  as  the  purpose  has 
already  in  part  been  carried  into  execution,   by  their 
treatment  of  Boston  and  burning  of  Charlestown;)  when 
it  considers  the  great  armaments  with  which  they  have 
invaded  us,  and  the  circumstances  of  cruelty  with  which 
these  have  commenced  and  prosecuted  hostilities;  when 
these  things,  we  say,  are  laid  together  and  attentively 
considered,  can  the  world  be  deceived  into  an  opinion 
that  we  are  unreasonable,  or  can  it  hesitate  to  believe 
with  us,  that  nothing  but  our  own  exertions  may  defeat 
the  ministerial  sentence  of  death  or  abject  submission. 


WHY  THE   COLONISTS  TOOK  UP  ARMS,   1775 

A  declaration  of  the  causes  and  necessity  of 
taking  up  arms,  adopted  by  the  Second  Continental 
Congress,  at  Philadelphia,  on  July  6,  1775.  Text 
from  "Journals  of  Congress  from  1774  to  1778,"  Vol. 
I.,  edition  of  1823,  pp.  100-103.  (See  page  49.) 

IF  it  was  possible  for  men,  who  exercise  their  reason 
to  believe,  that  the  divine  Author  of  our  existence  in 
tended  a  part  of  the  human  race  to  hold  an  absolute 
property  in,  and  an  unbounded  power  over  others, 
marked  out  by  his  infinite  goodness  and  wisdom,  as  the 
objects  of  a  legal  domination  never  rightfully  resistible, 
however  severe  and  oppressive,  the  inhabitants  of  these 
colonies  might  at  least  require  from  the  parliament  cf 
Great-Britain  some  evidence,  that  this  dreadful  author 
ity  over  them,  has  been  granted  to  that  body.  But  a 
reverence  for  our  great  Creator,  principles  of  humanity, 
and  the  dictates  of  common  sense,  must  convince  all 
those  who  reflect  upon  the  subject,  that  government 
was  instituted  to  promote  the  welfare  of  mankind,  and 
ought  to  be  administered  for  the  attainment  of  that  end. 
The  legislature  of  Great-Britain,  however,  stimulated 
by  an  inordinate  passion  for  a  power  not  only  unjusti 
fiable,  but  which  they  know  to  be  peculiarly  reprobated 
by  the  very  constitution  of  that  kingdom,  and  desperate 
of  success  in  any  mode  of  contest,  where  regard  should 
be  had  to  truth,  law,  or  right,  have  at  length,  deserting 
those,  attempted  to  effect  their  cruel  and  impolitic 
purpose  of  enslaving  these  colonies  by  violence,  and 

262 


GEORGE    III. 

(From  the  painting  by  Gainsborough) 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

have  thereby  rendered  it  necessary  for  us  to  close  with 
their  last  appeal  from  reason  to  arms.  Yet,  however 
blinded  that  assembly  may  be,  by  their  intemperate  rage 
for  unlimited  domination,  so  to  slight  justice  and  the 
opinion  of  mankind,  we  esteem  ourselves  bound  by  ob 
ligations  of  respect  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  to  make 
known  the  justice  of  our  cause. 

Our  forefathers,  inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Great- 
Britain,  left  their  native  land,  to  seek  on  these  shores 
a  residence  for  civil  and  religious  freedom.  At  the  ex 
pense  of  their  blood,  at  the  hazard  of  their  fortunes, 
without  the  least  charge  to  the  country  from  which 
they  removed,  by  unceasing  labour,  and  an  unconquer 
able  spirit,  they  effected  settlements  in  the  distant  and 
inhospitable  wilds  of  America,  then  filled  with  numerous 
and  warlike  nations  of  barbarians. — Societies  or  govern 
ments,  vested  with  perfect  legislatures,  were  formed 
under  charters  from  the  crown,  and  an  harmonious  inter 
course  was  established  between  the  colonies  and  the 
kingdom  from  which  they  derived  their  origin.  The 
mutual  benefits  of  this  union  became  in  a  short  time  so 
extraordinary,  as  to  excite  astonishment.  It  is  univer 
sally  confessed,  that  the  amazing  increase  of  the  wealth, 
strength,  and  navigation  of  the  realm,  arose  from  this 
source;  and  the  minister,  who  so  wisely  and  successfully 
directed  the  measures  of  Great-Britain  in  the  late  war, 
publicly  declared,  that  these  colonies  enabled  her  to 
triumph  over  her  enemies.  Towards  the  conclusion  of 
that  war,  it  pleased  our  sovereign  to  make  a  change  in 
his  counsels.  From  that  fatal  moment,  the  affairs  of 
the  British  empire  began  to  fall  into  confusion,  and 
gradually  sliding  from  the  summit  of  glorious  prosperity, 
to  which  they  had  been  advanced  by  the  virtues  and 
abilities  of  one  man,  are  at  length  distracted  by  the  con 
vulsions,  that  now  shake  it  to  its  deepest  foundations.— 
The  new  ministry  finding  the  brave  foes  of  Britain, 
though  frequently  defeated,  yet  still  contending,  took 

264 


QUEEN  CHARLOTTE,  WIFE  OF  GEORGE  III. 

(From  an  engraving  by  Henry  Meyer) 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

up  the  unfortunate  idea  of  granting  them  a  hasty  peace, 
and  of  then  subduing  her  faithful  friends. 

These  devoted  colonies  were  judged  to  be  in  such  a 
state,  as  to  present  victories  without  bloodshed,  and  all 
the  easy  emoluments  of  statuteable  plunder.  The  un 
interrupted  tenor  of  their  peaceable  and  respectful  be 
haviour  from  the  beginning  of  colonization,  their  dutiful, 
zealous,  and  useful  services  during  the  war,  though  so 
recently  and  amply  acknowledged  in  the  most  honour 
able  manner  by  his  majesty,  by  the  late  king,  and  by 
parliament,  could  not  save  them  from  the  meditated 
innovations.  Parliament  was  influenced  to  adopt  the 
pernicious  project,  and  assuming  a  new  power  over  them, 
have  in  the  course  of  eleven  years,  given  such  decisive 
specimens  of  the  spirit  and  consequences  attending  this 
power,  as  to  leave  no  doubt  concerning  the  effects  of 
acquiescence  under  it.  They  have  undertaken  to  give 
and  grant  our  money  without  our  consent,  though  we 
have  ever  exercised  an  exclusive  right  to  dispose  of  our 
own  property;  statutes  have  been  passed  for  extending 
the  jurisdiction  of  courts  of  admiralty  and  vice-admiralty 
beyond  their  ancient  limits;  for  depriving  us  of  the  ac 
customed  and  inestimable  privilege  of  trial  by  jury,  in 
cases  affecting  both  life  and  property;  for  suspending 
the  legislature  of  one  of  the  colonies;  for  interdicting  all 
commerce  to  the  capital  of  another;  and  for  altering 
fundamentally  the  form  of  government  established  by 
charter,  and  secured  by  act  of  its  own  legislature  solemn 
ly  confirmed  by  the  crown;  for  exempting  the  "mur 
derers"  of  colonists  from  legal  trial,  and  in  effect,  from 
punishment;  for  erecting  in  a  neighbouring  province, 
acquired  by  the  joint  arms  of  Great-Britain  and  America, 
a  despotism  dangerous  to  our  very  existence;  and  for 
quartering  soldiers  upon  the  colonists  in  time  of  pro 
found  peace.  It  has  also  been  resolved  in  parliament, 
that  colonists  charged  with  committing  certain  offences, 
shall  be  transported  to  England  to  be  tried. 

266 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

But  why  should  we  enumerate  our  injuries  in  detail? 
By  one  statute  it  is  declared,  that  parliament  can  "of 
right  make  laws  to  bind  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 
What  is  to  defend  us  against  so  enormous,  so  unlimited 
a  power?  Not  a  single  man  of  those  who  assume  it, 
is  chosen  by  us;  or  is  subject  to  our  controul  or  influence; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  all  of  them  exempt  from 
the  operation  of  such  laws,  and  an  American  revenue, 
if  not  diverted  from  the  ostensible  purposes  for  which  it 
is  raised,  would  actually  lighten  their  own  burdens  in 
proportion,  as  they  increase  ours.  We  saw  the  misery  to 
which  such  despotism  would  reduce  us.  We  for  ten 
years  incessantly  and  ineffectually  besieged  the  throne 
as  supplicants;  we  reasoned,  we  remonstrated  with  par 
liament,  in  the  most  mild  and  decent  language. 

Administration,  sensible  that  we  should  regard  these 
oppressive  measure  as  freemen  ought  to  do,  sent  over 
fleets  and  armies  to  enforce  them.  The  indignation  of 
the  Americans  was  roused,  it  is  true;  but  it  was  the  in 
dignation  of  a  virtuous,  loyal,  and  affectionate  people. 
A  Congress  of  delegates  from  the  United  Colonies  was 
assembled  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  fifth  day  of  last 
September.  We  resolved  again  to  offer  an  humble  and 
dutiful  petition  to  the  king,  and  also  addressed  our  fellow- 
subjects  of  Great-Britain.  We  have  pursued  every  tem 
perate,  every  respectful  measure:  we  have  even  pro 
ceeded  to  break  off  our  commercial  intercourse  with  our 
fellow-subjects,  as  the  last  peaceable  admonition,  that 
our  attachment  to  no  nation  upon  earth  should  supplant 
our  attachment  to  liberty.  This,  we  flattered  ourselves, 
was  the  ultimate  step  of  the  controversy:  but  subse 
quent  events  have  shewn,  how  vain  was  this  hope  of 
finding  moderation  in  our  enemies. 

Several  threatening  expressions  against  the  colonies 
were  inserted  in  his  majesty's  speech;  our  petition,  tho' 
we  were  told  it  was  a  decent  one,  and  that  his  majesty 
had  been  pleased  to  receive  it  graciously,  and  to  promise 

267 


O    .3 


n  £ 

H  2 

PC  .52 

H  [g 

^  "«, 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

laying  it  before  his  parliament,  was  huddled  into  both 
houses  among  a  bundle  of  American  papers,  and  there 
neglected.  The  lords  and  commons  in  their  address, 
in  the  month  of  February,  said,  that  "a  rebellion  at 
that  time  actually  existed  within  the  province  of  Massa 
chusetts-Bay;  and  that  those  concerned  in  it,  had  been 
countenanced  and  encouraged  by  unlawful  combina 
tions  and  engagements,  entered  into  by  his  majesty's 
subjects  in  several  of  the  other  colonies;  and  therefore 
they  besought  his  majesty,  that  he  would  take  the  most 
effectual  measures  to  inforce  due  obedience  to  the  laws 
and  authority  of  the  supreme  legislature."  Soon  after, 
the  commercial  intercourse  of  whole  colonies,  with  foreign 
countries,  and  with  each  other,  was  cut  off  by  an  act  of 
parliament;  by  another  several  of  them  were  intirely 
prohibited  from  the  fisheries  in  the  seas  near  their 
coasts,  in  which  they  always  depended  for  their  sus 
tenance;  and  large  reinforcements  of  ships  and  troops 
were  immediately  sent  over  to  general  Gage. 

Fruitless  were  all  the  entreaties,  arguments,  and  elo 
quence  of  an  illustrious  band  of  the  most  distinguished 
peers,  and  commoners,  who  nobly  and  stren[w]ously  as 
serted  the  justice  of  our  cause,  to  stay,  or  even  to  miti 
gate  the  heedless  fury  with  which  these  accumulated 
and  unexampled  outrages  were  hurried  on.  Equally 
fruitless  was  the  interference  of  the  city  of  London,  of 
Bristol,  and  many  other  respectable  towns  in  our  favour. 
Parliament  adopted  an  insidious  manoeuvre  calculated 
to  divide  us,  to  establish  a  perpetual  auction  of  taxa 
tions  where  colony  should  bid  against  colony,  all  of  them 
uninformed  what  ransom  would  redeem  their  lives; 
and  thus  to  extort  from  us,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet, 
the  unknown  sums  that  should  be  sufficient  to  gratify, 
if  possible  to  gratify,  ministerial  rapacity,  with  the 
miserable  indulgence  left  to  us  of  raising,  in  our  own 
mode,  the  prescribed  tribute.  What  terms  more  rigid 
and  humiliating  could  have  been  dictated  by  remorse- 

269 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

less   victors    to    conquered    enemies?      In    our    circum 
stances  to  accept  them,  would  be  to  deserve  them. 

Soon  after  the  intelligence  of  these  proceedings  ar 
rived  on  this  continent,  general  Gage,  who  in  the  course 
of  the  last  year  had  taken  possession  of  the  town  of 
Boston,  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts-Bay,  and  still 


In  Provincial  Con°xefs, 


NEW-YORK,  Auguft  8th,  1775. 

RESOLVED, 

THAT.the  feveral  Committees   and  Sub- 
Committees  of  the  different  Cdbnties  with 
in  this  Colony,   be  dire&'ed  irntped  ately  to' 
purchafe  or  hire-all  the  A  R  M  S,  with  or  wUhout 
Bayonets,  that  are  fit  for  prefent  Seiiice  fon  the 
Credit  of  this  Colony)  and  to  deliver*them  to  the 
refrJedive  Colpoels  in  this  Colony  employed   in  the 
Continental  Service,  ot  th«ir  Order,  for  the  Ufe  of 
the  CONTINENTAL  ARMY. 

A  true  Copy  from  the  Minutes, 

ROBERT  BENSON,  Seen'. 


' 


RESOLUTION  FOR  THE  PURCHASE  OF  ARMS  IN  THE   COLONY  OF  NEW  YORK 

27O 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

occupied  it  is  [as]  a  garrison,  on  the  nineteenth  day  of 
April,  sent  out  from  that  place  a  large  detachment  of 
his  army,  who  made  an  unprovoked  assault  on  the  in 
habitants  of  the  said  province,  at  the  town  of  Lexington, 
as  appears  by  the  affidavits  of  a  great  number  of  per 
sons,  some  of  whom  were  officers  and  soldiers  of  that 
detachment,  murdered  eight  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
wounded  many  others.  From  thence  the  troops  pro 
ceeded  in  warlike  array  to  the  town  of  Concord,  where 
they  set  upon  another  party  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
same  province,  killing  several  and  wounding  more, 
until  compelled  to  retreat  by  the  country  people  sud 
denly  assembled  to  repel  this  cruel  aggression.  Hostili 
ties,  thus  commenced  by  the  British  troops,  have  been 
since  prosecuted  by  them  without  regard  to  faith  or 
reputation.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston  being  confined 
within  that  town  by  the  general  their  governor,  and 
having,  in  order  to  procure  their  dismission,  entered  into 
a  treaty  with  him,  it  was  stipulated  that  the  said  in 
habitants  having  deposited  their  arms  with  their  own 
magistrates,  should  have  liberty  to  depart,  taking  with 
them  their  other  effects.  They  accordingly  delivered  up 
their  arms,  but  in  open  violation  of  honour,  in  defiance 
of  the  obligation  of  treaties,  which  even  savage  nations 
esteemed  sacred,  the  governor  ordered  the  arms  de 
posited  as  aforesaid,  that  they  might  be  preserved  for 
their  owners,  to  be  seized  by  a  body  of  soldiers;  detained 
the  greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  town,  and  com 
pelled  the  few  who  were  permitted  to  retire,  to  leave 
their  most  valuable  effects  behind. 

By  this  perfidy  wives  were  separated  from  their  hus 
bands,  children  from  their  parents,  the  aged  and  the 
sick  from  their  relations  and  friends,  who  wish  to  at 
tend  and  comfort  them;  and  those  who  have  been 
used  to  live  in  plenty  and  even  elegance,  are  reduced  to 
deplorable  distress. 

The  General,  further  emulating  his  ministerial  mas- 

271 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

ters,  by  a  proclamation  bearing  date  on  the  twelfth  day 
of  June,  after  venting  the  grossest  falsehoods  and  calum 
nies  against  the  good  people  of  these  colonies,  proceeds 
to  "declare  them  all,  either  by  name  or  description,  to 
be  rebels  and  traitors,  to  supersede  the  course  of  the 
common  law,  and  instead  thereof  to  publish  and  order 
the  use  and  exercise  of  the  law  martial."  His  troops 
have  butchered  our  countrymen,  have  wantonly  burnt 
Charlestown,  besides  a  considerable  number  of  houses 
in  other  places;  our  ships  and  vessels  are  seized;  the 
necessary  supplies  of  provisions  are  intercepted,  and  he 
is  exerting  his  utmost  power  to  spread  destruction  and 
devastation  around  him. 

We  have  received  certain  intelligence,  that  general 
Carleton,  the  governor  of  Canada,  is  instigating  the  peo 
ple  of  that  province  and  the  Indians  to  fall  upon  us; 
and  we  have  but  too  much  reason  to  apprehend,  that 
schemes  have  been  formed  to  excite  domestic  enemies 
against  us.  In  brief,  a  part  of  these  colonies  now  feel, 
and  all  of  them  are  sure  of  feeling,  as  far  as  the  vengeance 
of  administration  can  inflict  them,  the  complicated 
calamities  of  fire,  sword,  and  famine.  We  are  reduced 
to  the  alternative  of  chusing  an  unconditional  sub 
mission  to  the  tyranny  of  irritated  ministers,  or  resist 
ance  by  force.  The  latter  is  our  choice.  We  have 
counted  the  cost  of  this  contest,  and  find  nothing  so 
dreadful  as  voluntary  slavery.  Honour,  justice,  and 
humanity,  forbid  us  tamely  to  surrender  that  freedom 
which  we  received  from  our  gallant  ancestors,  and  which 
our  innocent  posterity  have  a  right  to  receive  from  us. 
We  cannot  endure  the  infamy  and  guilt  of  resigning 
succeeding  generations  to  that  wretchedness  which  in 
evitably  awaits  them,  if  we  basely  entail  hereditary 
bondage  upon  them. 

Our  cause  is  just.  Our  union  is  perfect.  Our  inter 
nal  resources  are  great,  and,  if  necessary,  foreign  as 
sistance  is  undoubtedly  attainable.  We  gratefully  ac- 

272 


THE     MANNER    IN    WHICH    THE    AMERICAN    COLONISTS    DECLARED    THEM 
SELVES    INDEPENDENT     OF     THE     KING     OF     ENGLAND    THROUGHOUT    THE 
DIFFERENT    PROVINCES,    ON    JULY   4,    1776 

(From  an  old  print) 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

knowledge,  as  signal  instances  of  the  Divine  favour 
towards  us,  that  his  Providence  would  not  permit  us 
to  be  called  into  this  severe  controversy,  until  we  were 
grown  up  to  our  present  strength,  had  been  previously 
exercised  in  warlike  operation,  and  possessed  of  the 
means  of  defending  ourselves.  With  hearts  fortified 
with  these  animating  reflections,  we  most  solemnly 
before  God  and  the  world,  declare,  that,  exerting  the 
utmost  energy  of  those  powers,  which  our  beneficent 
Creator  hath  graciously  bestowed  upon  us,  the  arms 
we  have  been  compelled  by  our  enemies  to  assume,  we 
will,  in  defiance  of  every  hazard,  with  unabating  firm 
ness  and  perseverence,  employ  for  the  preservation  of 
our  liberties;  being  with  one  mind  resolved  to  die  free 
men  rather  then  to  live  slaves. 

Lest  this  declaration  should  disquiet  the  minds  of 
our  friends  and  fellow-subjects  in  any  part  of  the  em 
pire,  we  assure  them  that  we  mean  not  to  dissolve  that 
union  which  has  so  long  and  so  happily  subsisted  be 
tween  us,  and  which  we  sincerely  wish  to  see  restored. 
Necessity  has  not  yet  driven  us  into  that  desperate 
measure,  or  induced  us  to  excite  any  other  nation  to 
war  against  them.  We  have  not  raised  armies  with 
ambitious  designs  of  separating  from  Great-Britain,  and 
establishing  independent  States.  We  fight  not  for  glory 
or  for  conquest.  We  exhibit  to  mankind  the  remarkable 
spectacle  of  a  people  attacked  by  unprovoked  enemies, 
without  any  imputation  or  even  suspicion  of  offence. 
They  boast  of  their  privileges  and  civilization,  and  yet 
proffer  no  milder  conditions  than  servitude  or  death. 

In  our  own  native  land,  in  defence  of  the  freedom 
that  is  our  birth-right,  and  which  we  ever  enjoyed  till 
the  late  violation  of  it — for  the  protection  of  our  prop 
erty,  acquired  solely  by  the  honest  industry  of  our  fore 
fathers  and  ourselves,  against  violence  actually  offered, 
we  have  taken  up  arms.  We  shall  lay  them  down  when 
hostilities  shall  cease  on  the  part  of  the  aggressors,  and 

274 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

all  danger  of  their  being  renewed  shall  be  removed,  and 
not  before. 

With  an  humble  confidence  in  the  mercies  of  the  su 
preme  and  impartial  Judge  and  Ruler  of  the  Universe, 
we  most  devoutly  implore  his  divine  goodness  to  pro 
tect  us  happily  through  this  great  conflict,  to  dispose  our 
adversaries  to  reconciliation  on  reasonable  terms,  and 
thereby  to  relieve  the  empire  from  the  calamities  of 
civil  war. 

VOL.   IV. — 19 


The  Second  Continental  Congress  appointed 
Washington  Commander-in-chief  of  the  American 
army  on  June  15,  1775,  and  directed  him  to  assume 
the  command  at  Cambridge,  which  he  did  on  July 
3d.  On  the  loth  he  announced  his  action  to  the 
President  of  the  Congress  in  a  letter,  reprinted  in 
"Old  South  Leaflet,"  Vol.  II.,  No.  47,  from  which 
the  following  extracts  are  taken.  (See  page  61.) 

CAMP  AT  CAMBRIDGE,  July  10,  1775. 
Sir, 

I  arrived  safe  at  this  Place  on  the  3d  inst.,  after  a 
Journey  attended  with  a  good  deal  of  Fatigue,  and  re 
tarded  by  necessary  Attentions  to  the  successive  Civili 
ties  which  accompanied  me  in  my  whole  Rout.  Upon 
my  arrival  I  immediately  visited  the  several  Posts  oc 
cupied  by  our  Troops,  and  as  soon  as  the  Weather  per 
mitted,  reconnoitred  those  of  the  Enemy.  I  found  the 
latter  strongly  entrench'd  on  Bunker's  Hill  about  a 
Mile  from  Charlestown,  and  advanced  about  half  a 
Mile  from  the  Place  of  the  last  Action,  with  their  Gentries 
extended  about  150  Yards  on  this  side  of  the  narrowest 
Part  of  the  Neck  leading  from  this  Place  to  Charles- 
town;  3  floating  Batteries  lay  in  Mystick  River,  near 
their  camp;  and  one  20  Gun  Ship  below  the  Ferry 
Place  between  Boston  and  Charlestown.  They  have 
also  a  Battery  on  Copse  Hill,  on  the  Boston  side,  which 
much  annoyed  our  Troops  in  the  late  attack.  Upon 

276 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

the  Neck,  they  are  also  deeply  entrenched  and  strongly 
fortified.     Their    advanced    Guards    'till   last   Saturday 
morning,  occupied  Brown's  Houses,  about  a  mile  from 
Roxbury  Meeting  House  and  20  roods  from  their  Lines: 
But  at  that  Time  a  Party  from  General  Thomas's  Camp 
surprized  the  Guard,  drove  them  in  and  burnt 
the  houses.      The  Bulk  of  their  Army  com-          ^ 
manded  by  Genl.  Howe,   lays   on    Bunker's      ^, 
Hill,  and  the  Remainder  on  Roxbury  Neck,        -^ 
except  the  Light  Horse,  and  a  few  Men 
in  the  Town  of  Boston.     On  our  side  we 
have  thrown  up  Intrenchments  on 
Winter  and  Prospect  Hills, 
the  Enemies  camp   in  full 


WASHINGTON  S    HEADQUARTERS    AT    CAMBRIDGE 

(In  later  years  the  residence  of  Henry  Wadsworth  Longfellow) 

View  at  the  Distance  of  little  more  than  a  Mile.  Such 
intermediate  Points,  as  would  admit  a  Landing,  I 
have  since  my  arrival  taken  care  to  strengthen  down 
to  Sewall's  Farm,  where  a  strong  Entrenchment  has 
been  thrown  up.  At  Roxbury  General  Thomas  has 
thrown  up  a  strong  Work  on  the  Hill,  about  200  Yards 
above  the  Meeting  House  which  with  the  Broken-ness 
of  the  Ground  and  great  Number  of  Rocks  has  made 

277 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

that  Pass  very  secure.  The  Troops  raised  in  New  Hamp 
shire,  with  a  Regiment  from  Rhode  Island  occupy 
Winter  Hill.  A  Part  of  those  from  Connecticut  under 
General  Puttnam  are  on  Prospect  Hill.  The  Troops 
in  this  Town  are  intirely  of  the  Massachusetts:  The 
Remainder  of  the  Rhode  Island  Men,  are  at  Sewall's 

Farm:  Two  Regi 
ments  of  Connecticut 
and  9  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  are  at  Rox- 
bury.  The  Residue 
of  the  Army,  to  the 
Number  of  about 
700,  are  posted  in 
several  small  Towns 
along  the  Coast,  to 
prevent  the  Depreda 
tions  of  the  Enemy: 
Upon  the  whole,  I 
think  myself  author 
ized  to  say,  that  con 
sidering  the  great  Ex 
tent  of  Line,  and  the 

natUrC  °f  the 


GEN.    ISRAEL   PUTNAM 
(Appointed  Major-General  by  the  Second  Continental    we  are  as  Well  SCCUTcd 

as  could  be  expected 
in   so   short  a  Time 

and  under  the  Disadvantages  we  labour.  These  con 
sist  in  a  Want  of  Engineers  to  construct  proper 
Works  and  direct  the  men,  a  Want  of  Tools,  and 
a  sufficient  Number  of  Men  to  Man  the  Works  in 
Case  of  an  attack.  You  will  observe  by  the  Pro 
ceedings  of  the  Council  of  War,  which  I  have  the 
Honor  to  enclose,  that  it  is  our  unanimous  Opinion 
to  hold  and  defend  these  Works  as  long  as  possible. 
The  Discouragement  it  would  give  the  Men  and  its 
contrary  Effects  on  the  ministerial  Troops,  thus  to 

278 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

abandon  our  Incampment  in  their  Face,  form'd  with  so 
much  Labor,  added  to  the  certain  Destruction  of  a 
considerable  and  valuable  Extent  of  Country,  and  our 
Uncertainty  of  finding  a  Place  in  all  Respects  so  ca 
pable  of  making  a  stand,  are  leading  Reasons  for  this 
Determination:  at  the  same  Time  we  are  very  sensible 
of  the  Difficulties  which  attend  the  Defence  of  Lines  of 
so  great  extent,  and  the  Dangers  which  may  ensue  from 
such  a  Division  of  the  Army.  ..  .  . 

We  labor  under  great  Disadvantages  for  Want  of 
Tents,  for  tho'  they  have  been  help'd  out  by  a  Collection 
of  now  useless  sails  from  the  Sea  Port  Towns,  the  Num 
ber  is  yet  far  short  of  our  Necessities.  The  Colleges  and 
Houses  of  this  Town  are  necessarily  occupied  by  the 
Troops  which  affords  another  Reason  for  keeping  our 
present  Situation:  But  I  most  sincerely  wish  the  whole 
Army  was  properly  provided  to  take  the  Field,  as  I  am 
well  assured,  that  besides  greater  Expedition  and  Activ 
ity  in  case  of  Alarm,  it  would  highly  conduce  to  Health 
and  discipline.  As  Materials  are  not  to  be  had  here, 
I  would  beg  leave  to  recommend  the  procuring  a  farther 
supply  from  Philadelphia  as  soon  as  possible.  .  .  . 

I  find  myself  already  much  embarrassed  for  Want  of 
a  Military  Chest;  these  embarrassments  will  increase 
every  day:  I  must  therefore  request  that  Money  may 
be  forwarded  as  soon  as  Possible.  The  want  of  this 
most  necessary  Article,  will  I  fear  produce  great  Incon 
veniences  if  not  prevented  by  an  early  Attention.  I 
find  the  Army  in  general,  and  the  Troops  raised  in 
Massachusetts  in  particular,  very  deficient  in  necessary 
Cloathing.  Upon  Inquiry  there  appears  no  Probability 
of  obtaining  any  supplies  in  this  quarter.  And  the  best 
Consideration  of  this  Matter  I  am  able  to  form,  I  am 
of  Opinion  that  a  Number  of  hunting  Shirts  not  less  than 
10,000,  would  in  a  great  Degree  remove  this  Difficulty 
in  the  cheapest  and  quickest  manner.  I  know  nothing 
in  a  speculative  View  more  trivial,  yet  if  put  in  Practice 

279 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 


would  have  a  happier  Tendency  to  unite  the  Men,  and 
abolish  those  Provincial  Distinctions  which  lead  to 
Jealousy  and  Dissatisfaction.  In  a  former  part  of  this 
Letter  I  mentioned  the  want  of  Engineers;  I  can  hardly 
express  the  Disappointment  I  have  experienced  on  this 

Subject.  The  skill 
of  those  we  have, 
being  very  imperfect 
and  confined  to  the 
mere  manual  Exer 
cise  of  Cannon: 
Whereas  —  the  War 
in  which  we  are  en 
gaged  requires  a 
Knowledge  compre 
hending  the  Duties 
of  the  Field  and  For 
tifications.  If  any 
Persons  thus  quali 
fied  are  to  be  found 
in  the  Southern  Col 
onies,  it  would  be  of 
great  publick  Ser 
vice  to  forward  them 
with  all  expedition. 
Upon  the  Article  of 
Ammunition  I  must 
re-echo  the  former 
Complaints  on  this 
Subject:  We  are  so 

exceedingly  destitute,  that  our  Artillery  will  be  of  little 
Use  without  a  supply  both  large  and  seasonable:  What 
we  have  must  be  reserved  for  the  small  Arms,  and  that 
managed  with  the  utmost  Frugality. 

I  am  sorry  to  observe  that  the  Appointments  of  the 
General  Officers  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
have  by  no  Means  corresponded  with  the  Judgement 

280 


GEN.    PHILIP    SCHUYLER 

(Appointed  Major-General  June  19,  1775) 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

and  Wishes  of  either  the  civil  or  Military.  The  great 
Dissatisfaction  expressed  in  this  Subject  and  the  ap 
parent  Danger  of  throwing  the  Army  into  the  utmost 
Disorder,  together  with  the  strong  Representations  of 
the  Provincial  Congress,  have  induced  me  to  retain  the 
Commissions  in  my  Hands  untill  the  Pleasure  of  the 
Congress  should  be  farther  known,  (except  General 
Puttnam's  which  was  given  the  Day  I  came  into  Camp 
and  before  I  was  apprized  of  these  Uneasinesses.)  In 
such  a  Step  I  must  beg  the  Congress  will  do  me  the  Jus 
tice  to  believe,  that  I  have  been  actuated  solely  by  a 
Regard  to  the  publick  Good.  I  have  not,  nor  could  have 
any  private  Attachments;  every  Gentleman  in  Appoint 
ment,  was  an  intire  Stranger  to  me  but  from  Character. 
I  must  therefore  rely  upon  the  Candor  of  the  Congress 
for  their  favorable  Construction  of  my  Conduct  in  this 
Particular.  General  Spencer  was  so  much  disgusted  at 
the  preference  given  to  General  Puttnam  that  he  left 
the  Army  without  visiting  me,  or  making  known  his 
Intentions  in  any  respect.  General  Pomroy  had  also 
retired  before  my  Arrival,  occasioned  (as  is  said)  by 
some  Disappointment  from  the  Provincial  Congress. 
General  Thomas  is  much  esteemed  and  earnestly  de 
sired  to  continue  in  the  service:  and  as  far  as  my  Op 
portunities  have  enabled  me  to  judge  I  must  join  in 
the  general  opinion  that  he  is  an  able  good  Officer  and 
his  Resignation  would  be  a  publick  Loss.  The  post 
poning  him  to  Pomroy  and  Heath  whom  he  has  com 
manded  would  make  his  Continuance  very  difficult,  and 
probably  operate  on  his  Mind,  as  the  like  Circumstance 
has  done  on  that  of  Spencer. 

The  State  of  the  Army  you  will  find  ascertained  with 
tolerable  Precision  in  the  Returns  which  accompany  this 
Letter.  Upon  finding  the  Number  of  men  to  fall  so 
far  short  of  the  Establishment,  and  below  all  Expecta 
tion,  I  immediately  called  a  Council  of  the  general 
Officers,  whose  opinion  as  to  the  mode  of  filling  up  the 

281 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

Regiments,  and  providing  for  the  present  Exigency,  I 
have  the  Honor  of  inclosing  together  with  the  best 
Judgment  we  are  able  to  form  of  the  ministerial  Troops. 
From  the  Number  of  Boys,  Deserters,  and  Negroes 


ARTEMAS   WARD 

(Appointed  Major-General  by  the  Second  Continental  Congress) 


which  have  been  inlisted  in  the  troops  of  this  Province, 
I  entertain  some  doubts  whether  the  number  required 
can  be  raised  here;  and  all  the  General  Officers  agree 
that  no  Dependance  can  be  put  on  the  militia  for  a 
Continuance  in  Camp,  or  Regularity  and  Discipline 
during  the  short  Time  they  may  stay.  This  unhappy 
and  devoted  Province  has  been  so  long  in  a  State  of 

282 


JOHN   HANCOCK 

(From  an  engraving  by  I.  B.  Forrest  after  the  painting  by  Copley) 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS' 

Anarchy,  and  the  Yoke  of  ministerial  Oppression  been 
laid  so  heavily  on  it  that  great  Allowances  are  to  be 
made  for  Troops  raised  under  such  Circumstances: 
The  Deficiency  of  Numbers,  Discipline  and  Stores  can 
only  lead  to  this  Conclusion,  that  their  Spirit  has  ex 
ceeded  their  Strength.  But  at  the  same  Time  I  would 
humbly  submit  to  the  consideration  of  the  Congress, 
the  Propriety  of  making  some  farther  Provision  of  Men 
from  the  other  Colonies.  If  these  Regiments  should  be 
completed  to  their  Establishment,  the  Dismission  of 
those  unfit  for  Duty  on  account  of  their  Age  and  Char 
acter  would  occasion  a  considerable  Reduction,  and  at 
all  events  they  have  been  inlisted  upon  such  Terms, 
that  they  may  be  disbanded  when  other  Troops  arrive: 
But  should  my  apprehensions  be  realized,  and  the 
Regiments  here  not  filled  up,  the  publick  Cause  would 
suffer  by  an  absolute  Dependance  upon  so  doubtful  an 
Event,  unless  some  Provision  is  made  against  such  a 
Disappointment. 

It  requires  no  military  Skill  to  judge  of  the  Difficulty 
of  introducing  proper  Discipline  and  Subordination  into 
an  Army  while  we  have  the  Enemy  in  View,  and  are  in 
daily  Expectation  of  an  Attack,  but  it  is  of  so  much 
Importance  that  every  Effort  will  be  made  which  Time 
and  Circumstance  will  admit.  In  the  mean  Time  I 
have  a  sincere  Pleasure  in  observing  that  there  are  Ma 
terials  for  a  good  Army,  a  great  number  of  able  bodied 
Men,  active  zealous  in  the  Cause  and  unquestionable 
courage.  .  .  . 

My  best  Abilities  are  at  all  Times  devoted  to  the 
Service  of  my  Country,  but  I  feel  the  Weight  Impor 
tance  and  variety  of  my  present  Duties  too  sensibly, 
not  to  wish  a  more  immediate  and  frequent  Communica 
tion  with  the  Congress.  I  fear  it  may  often  happen 
in  the  Course  of  our  present  Operations,  that  I  shall 
need  that  Assistance  and  Direction  from  them  which 
Time  and  Distance  will  not  allow  me  to  receive.  .  .  . 

283 


MECKLENBURG   DECLARATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE, 

1775 

This  document,  which  has  been  the  subject  of 
much  historical  controversy,  purports  to  be  a  series 
of  resolutions  adopted  at  a  meeting  of  the  citizens 
of  Mecklenburg  County,  N.  C.,  held  at  Charlotte 
on  May  20,  1775.  This  date,  it  will  be  noted,  is 
more  than  a  year  earlier  than  that  of  the  Phila 
delphia  convention,  which  is  recognized  as  the 
official  date  of  the  American  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence.  Text  from  Raleigh  Register  and  North 
Carolina  Gazette,  published  in  Raleigh,  N.  C., 
Friday,  April  30, 1819.  (Vol.  XX.,  No.  1023.)  (See 
page  70.) 

1.  Resolved,    That   whosoever    directly   or   indirectly 
abetted  or  in  any  way,  form  or  manner,  countenanced 
the  unchartered  and  dangerous  invasions  of  our  rights, 
as  claimed  by  Great-Britain,  is  an  enemy  to  this  Coun 
try,— to  America, — and  to  the  inherant  and  inalienable 
rights  of  man. 

2.  Resolved,   That   we   the   citizens   of  Mecklenburg 
County,  do  hereby  dissolve  the  political  bands  which 
have  connected  us  to  the  Mother  Country,  and  hereby 
absolve  ourselves  from  allegiance  to  the  British  Crown, 
and  abjure  all  political  connection,  contract  or  associa 
tion  with  that  Nation,  who  have  wantonly  trampled  on 
our  rights  and  liberties — and  inhumanly  shed  the  inno 
cent  blood  of  American  patriots  at  Lexington. 

3.  Resolved,  That  we  do  hereby  declare  ourselves  a 

284 


AUTOGRAPHS  OF  THE  MEMBERS  OF  THE  MECKLENBURG  COMMITTEE 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

free  and  independent  People,  are  and  of  right  ought  to 
be,  a  sovereign  and  self-governing  Association,  under 
the  control  of  no  power  other  than  that  of  our  God  and 
the  General  Government  of  the  Congress;  to  the  main 
tenance  of  which  independence,  we  solemnly  pledge  to 
each  other  our  mutual  cooperation,  our  lives,  our  fort 
unes,  and  our  most  sacred  honor. 

4.  Resolved,  That,  as  we  now  acknowledge  the  exist 
ence  and  control  of  no  law  or  legal  officer,  civil  or  mili 
tary,  within  this  County,  We  do  hereby  ordain  and  adopt 
as  a  rule  of  life,  all,  each  and  every  of  our  former  laws, 
—wherein,    nevertheless,    the    Crown    of  Great-Britain 
never  can  be  considered   as  holding  rights,  privileges, 
immunities  or  authority  therein. 

5.  Resolved,  That  it  is  also  further  decreed,  that  all, 
each  and  every  military  officer  in  this  county  is  hereby 
reinstated  to  his  former  command  and  authority,  he  act 
ing  conformably  to  these  regulations.     And  that  every 
member  present  of  this  delegation  shall  henceforth  be  a 
civil  officer, — viz.:    a  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  the  char 
acter  of  a  "Committee  man"  to  issue  process,  hear  and 
determine  all  matters  of  controversy,  according  to  said 
adopted  laws,   and  to  preserve  peace,  and  union,  and 
harmony  in  said  County, — and  to  use  every  exertion  to 
spread  the  love  of  country  and  fire  of  freedom  through 
out  America,  until  a  more  general  and  organized  govern 
ment  be  established  in  this  province. 


WASHINGTON'S  CAPTURE  OF  BOSTON,  1776 

Washington  had  taken  command  of  the  American 
army  at  Cambridge  on  July  3,  1775.  During 
January,  February,  and  the  first  half  of  March, 
1776,  he  made  several  reports  on  the  situation  to 
the  President  of  Congress.  The  following  extracts 
from  his  reports  note  the  movements  that  led  to 
his  capture  of  Boston.  The  text,  which  is  from 
"Old  South  Leaflet,"  Vol.  IV.,  No.  86,  contains 
only  the  essential  statements.  (See  page  67.) 

CAMBRIDGE,  26  February,  1776. 

.  .  .  We  are  making  every  necessary  preparation  for 
taking  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights  as  soon  as  pos 
sible  with  a  view  of  drawing  the  enemy  out. — How  far 
our  expectations  may  be  answered,  time  can  only  deter 
mine;  But  I  should  think,  if  any  thing  will  induce  them 
to  hazard  an  engagement,  It  will  be  our  attempting  to 
fortifie  these  heights;  as  on  that  event's  taking  place, 
we  shall  be  able  to  command  a  great  part  of  the  town, 
and  almost  the  whole  harbor,  and  to  make  them  rather 
disagreeable  than  otherwise,  provided  we  can  get  a 
sufficient  supply  of  what  we  greatly  want. 

CAMBRIDGE,  7  March,  1776. 

.  .  .  On  the  26th  ultimo  I  had  the  honor  of  addressing 
you,  and  then  mentioned  that  we  were  making  prepara 
tions  for  taking  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights.  I 
now  beg  leave  to  inform  you,  that  a  council  of  general 
officers  having  determined  a  previous  bombardment  and 

287 


C   *   3 


A  PROCLAMATION. 

By    His      EXCELLENCY, 

The  Honorable  WILLIAM  HOWE, 

Major-General  and  Commander  in  Chief  of  all  E-Iij  Majefiy's 
Forces  within  Ae  Colonies  laying  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  from 
NfftHt-Scoeia  to  Weft- Florida  inclufive,  Sec.  Sec.  &c. 


w 


H  E  R  E  A  S  fevera!  of  the  Inhabitants  of  thi»  Town  have 
lately  abfcondcd  19  join,  it  is  apprehended,  His  Majifty'j 
Enemies  aflemblcd  in  open  Rebellion  : 

ID  O,  by  Virtue  of  the  Power  ind  Authority  in  me  verted  by 
His  Majcfty,   forbid  any  Pcrfon  or  Perlons  whatever,   not  be 
longing  to  the  Navy,  to  pafs  from  hence  by  Water  or  otherwifc, 
from  the  Date  hereof,  without  my  Order  or  Pcrmi/fion  given  in 
Writing. 

ANY  Perfon  or  Perfons  detected  in  the  Aitcrnpf,  or  who 
may  be  retaken,  upon  fufficient  Proof  thereof,  Ilial!  be  liable  to 
military  Execution  ;  and  tholt  who  tfcape  fhall  be  treateJ  as 
Traitors,  by  Seizure1  of  their  Goods  and  Effects. 

ALL  Mailers  of  Tranfports  or  oilier  VcfTcls  failing  from 
hence,  wnlcfs  under  the  immediate  Order  of  SAMUEL  GRAVES,  Efq; 
Vice  Admiral  of  the  White,  &c.  &c.  &cc.  or  Officer  commanding 
His  Majefty's  Shipt  of  War  on  this  Service  for  the  Time  being, 
are  hereby  ftriflry  forbidden  to  receive  any  Perfon  or  Perfoni  on 
Beard  without  my  Order  or  Permifikm  in  Writing.  /\ny 
Mafter  or  others  detected  in  Difobcyinc;  this  Proclamation  fhall 
be  liable  to  fueh  Fine  and  Imprifonraent  as  may  be  adjudged. 

G  IV EN  at  tttad-^aaneri  ii  Bofton,    tbsi  Twer.ty  ehkth 
Day  of  Oflotsr,  1775. 


A   PROCLAMATION   BY  LORD   WILLIAM   HOWE,    BOSTON,    OCTOBER   28,    1775 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

cannonade  expedient  and  proper,  in  order  to  harass  the 
enemy  and  divert  their  attention  from  that  quarter,  on 
Saturday,  Sunday,  and  Monday  nights  last,  we  carried 
them  on  from  our  posts  at  Cobble  Hill,  Lechmere's 
Point,  and  Lamb's  Dam.  Whether  they  did  the  enemy 
any  considerable  and  what  injury,  I  have  not  yet  heard, 
but  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you,  that  they  greatly 
facilitated  our  schemes. 

.  .  .  During  the  whole  cannonade,  which  was  in 
cessant  the  two  last  nights,  we  were  fortunate  enough 
to  lose  but  two  men;  one,  a  lieutenant,  by  a  cannon- 
ball  taking  off  his  thigh;  the  other,  a  private,  by  the 
explosion  of  a  shell,  which  also  slightly  wounded  four 
or  five  more. 

Our  taking  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights  is  only 
preparatory  to  taking  post  on  Nook's  Hill,  and  the  points 
opposite  to  the  south  end  of  Boston.  It  was  absolutely 
necessary,  that  they  should  be  previously  fortified,  in 
order  to  cover  and  command  them.  As  soon  as  the 
works  on  the  former  are  finished,  measures  will  be  im 
mediately  adopted  for  securing  the  latter,  and  making 
them  as  strong  and  defensible  as  we  can.  Their  con 
tiguity  to  the  enemy  will  make  them  of  much  importance 
and  of  great  service  to  us.  .  .  . 

In  case  the  ministerial  troops  had  made  an  attempt 
to  dislodge  our  men  from  Dorchester  Hills,  and  the 
number  detached  upon  the  occasion  had  been  so  great 
as  to  have  afforded  a  probability  of  a  successful  attack's 
being  made  upon  Boston;  on  a  signal  given  from  Rox- 
bury  for  that  purpose,  agreeably  to  a  settled  and  con 
certed  plan,  four  thousand  chosen  men,  who  were  held 
in  readiness,  were  to  have  embarked  at  the  mouth  of 
Cambridge  River,  in  two  divisions,  the  first  under  the 
command  of  Brigadier-General  Sullivan,  the  second 
under  Brigadier-General  Greene;  the  whole  to  have 
been  commanded  by  Major-General  Putnam.  The  first 
division  was  to  land  at  the  powder-house  and  gain  pos- 

VOL.    IV.— 20  28Q 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

session  of  Beacon  Hill  and- Mount  Horam;  the  second 
at  Barton's  Point,  or  a  little  south  of  it,  and,  after 
securing  that  post,  to  join  the  other  division,  and  force 
the  enemy's  gates  and  works  at  the  neck,  for  letting 
in  the  Roxbury  troops.  Three  floating  batteries  were 
to  have  preceded,  and  gone  in  front  of  the  other  boats, 
and  kept  up  a  heavy  fire  on  that  part  of  the  town  where 
our  men  were  to  land.  .  .  . 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  CAMBRIDGE,  19  March,  1776. 

SIR, 

It  is  with  the  greatest  pleasure  I  inform  you  that  on 
Sunday  last,  the  iyth  instant,  about  nine  o'clock  in  the 
forenoon,  the  ministerial  army  evacuated  the  town  of 
Boston,  and  that  the  forces  of  the  United  Colonies  are 
now  in  actual  possession  thereof.  I  beg  leave  to  con 
gratulate  you,  Sir,  and  the  honorable  Congress,  on  this 
happy  event,  and  particularly  as  it  was  effected  without 
endangering  the  lives  and  property  of  the  remaining 
unhappy  inhabitants. 

I  have  great  reason  to  imagine  their  flight  was  pre 
cipitated  by  the  appearance  of  a  work,  which  I  had 
ordered  to  be  thrown  up  last  Saturday  night  on  an 
eminence  at  Dorchester,  which  lies  nearest  to  Boston 
Neck,  called  Nook's  Hill.  The  town,  although  it  has 
suffered  greatly,  is  not  in  so  bad  a  state  as  I  expected 
to  find  it.  ... 

The  situation  in  which  I  found  their  works  evidently 
discovered,  that  their  retreat  was  made  with  the  great 
est  precipitation.  They  have  left  their  barracks  and 
other  works  of  wood  at  Bunker's  Hill  all  standing,  and 
have  destroyed  but  a  small  part  of  their  lines.  They 
have  also  left  a  number  of  fine  pieces  of  cannon,  which 
they  first  spiked  up,  also  a  very  large  iron  mortar;  and, 
(as  I  am  informed,)  they  have  thrown  another  over  the 
end  of  your  wharf.  I  have  employed  proper  persons 
to  drill  the  cannon,  and  doubt  not  I  shall  save  the 

290 


A  PROCLAMATION. 

By    His      EXCELLENCY, 

The  Honorable  WILLIAM  HOWE, 

Major-General  and  Commander  in  Chief  of  all 
His  Majcily's  Forces  within  the  Colonies  lay  ing 
on  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  from  Nova-Scotia  to 
IFeft-FloriJa  incluhvc,  5cc.  &c.  &c.  . 

WHEREAS  the  prcfcnt  and  approaching 
Diftrefies  of  many  of  the  Inhabitants  in  the 
Town  of  Bo/ion,  from  the  Scarcity,  and  high  Pri 
ces  of  Provifions,  Fuel,  and  other  neceflfary  Articles 
of  Life,  can  only  be  avoided,  by  permitting  them 
to  go  where  they  may  hope  to  procure  eafier 
Means  of  Subfiftancc  : 

OTICE  is  hereby  given,  that  all  thofe, 
fiiffering  under  the  above-mentioned  Circum- 
ftances,  who  chufc  to  depart  the  Town,  may  give 
in  their  Names  to  Captain  JAMES  URQUHART, 
Town-Msjor,  before  Thurfday,  Twelve  o'Clock 
on  the  Ninth  Inftant,  fpecifying  their  Names, 
Abodes,  Number  and  Names  of  thofe  in  Family, 
Effects,  Sec.  that  Pafles  may  be  'made  out,  con 
formable  to  Regulations  already  eftabliuSed. 

at  Head-Qaaitfrs  in  Bofton,  this. 

Daj  of  JKowii'-.-r.  1775.  _ 


N 


A   PROCLAMATION   BY  LORD   WILLIAM   HOWE,  BOSTON,  NOVEMBER  5,  1 775 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

most  of  them.  I  am  not  yet  able  to  procure  an  exact 
list  of  all  the  stores  they  have  left.  As  soon  as  it  can 
be  done,  I  shall  take  care  to  transmit  it  to  you.  From 
an  estimate  of  what  the  quartermaster-general  has  al 
ready  discovered,  the  amount  will  be  twenty-five  or 
thirty  thousand  pounds. 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,  1776 

Corrected  text  from  original  manuscript  on  parch 
ment  now  in  the  Department  of  State.  From 
photographic  facsimile  in  J.  H.  Hazleton's  "The 
Declaration  of  Independence:  its  history."  N.  Y., 
Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  1906.  (See  page  70.) 

When  in  the  Course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  neces 
sary  for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which 
have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume 
among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal 
station  to  which  the  Laws  of  Nature  and  of  Nature's 
God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect  to  the  opinion  of 
mankind  requires  that  they  should  declare  the  causes 
which  impel  them  to  the  separation. — 

We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men 
are  created  equal,  that  they  are  endowed  by  their 
Creator  with  certain  unalienable  Rights,  that  among 
these  are  Life,  Liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  Happiness. 
That  to  secure  these  rights,  Governments  are  instituted 
among  Men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  con 
sent  of  the  governed, — That  whenever  any  Form  of 
Government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the 
Right  of  the  People  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  in 
stitute  new  Government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such 
principles  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to 
them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  Safety  and 
Happiness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate  that  Gov 
ernments  long  established  should  not  be  changed  for 
light  and  transient  causes;  and  accordingly  all  experi- 

293 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

ence  hath  shewn,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to 
suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  themselves 
by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed. 
But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pur 
suing  invariably  the  same  Object  evinces  a  design  to 
reduce  them  under  absolute  Despotism,  it  is  their  right, 
it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  off  such  Government,  and  to 
provide  new  Guards  for  their  future  security. — Such  has 
been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  colonies;  and  such 
is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter  their 
former  Systems  of  Government.  The  history  of  the 
present  King  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  repeated 
injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object, 
the  establishment  of  an  absolute  Tyranny  over  these 
States.  To  prove  this,  let  Facts  be  submitted  to  a 
candid  world. — 

He  has  refused  his  Assent  to  Laws,  the  most  whole 
some  and  necessary  for  the  public  good. — 

He  has  forbidden  his  Governors  to  pass  Laws  of  im 
mediate  and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in 
their  operations  till  his  Assent  should  be  obtained;  and, 
when  so  suspended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend 
to  them. — 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  Laws  for  the  accommo 
dation  of  large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people 
would  relinquish  the  right  of  Representation  in  the 
Legislature,  a  right  inestimable  to  them,  and  formidable 
to  tyrants  only. — 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places 
unusual,  uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository 
of  their  public  Records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing 
them  into  compliance  with  his  measures. — 

He  has  dissolved  Representative  Houses  repeatedly, 
for  opposing  with  manly  firmness  his  invasions  on  the 
rights  of  the  people. — 

He  has  refused  for  a  long  time,  after  such  dissolutions, 
to  cause  others  to  be  elected;  whereby  the  Legislative 

294 


READING  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE  BEFORE  WASHINGTON  S 
ARMY,  NEW  YORK,  JULY  9,  1776 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

powers,  incapable  of  Annihilation,  have  returned  to  the 
People  at  large  for  their  exercise;  the  State  remaining 
in  the  mean  time  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion 
from  without,  and  convulsions  within. — 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
States;  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  Laws  for 
Naturalization  of  Foreigners;  refusing  to  pass  others 
to  encourage  their  migration  hither,  and  raising  the  con 
ditions  of  new  Appropriations  of  lands. — 

He  has  obstructed  the  Administration  of  Justice,  by 
refusing  his  Assent  to  Laws  for  establishing  Judiciary 
powers. — - 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  Will  alone, 
for  the  tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  pay 
ment  of  their  salaries. — 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  New  Offices  and  sent 
hither  swarms  of  Officers  to  harass  our  people,  and  eat 
out  their  substance. — 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  time  of  peace,  Standing 
Armies  without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. — 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  Military  independent  of 
and  superior  to  the  Civil  power. — 

He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  juris 
diction  foreign  to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged 
by  our  laws;  giving  his  Assent  to  their  Acts  of  pretended 
Legislation : — 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among 
us: — 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  Trial,  from  punish 
ment  for  any  Murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the 
inhabitants  of  these  States: — 

For  cutting  off  our  Trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world:- — 

For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  Consent: — 

For  depriving  us  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of 
Trial  by  Jury: — 

For  transporting  us  beyond  Seas  to  be  tried  for  pre 
tended  offences: — 

296 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

For  abolishing  the  free  System  of  English  Laws  in  a 
neighbouring  Province,  establishing  therein  an  Arbi 
trary  government,  and  enlarging  its  Boundaries  so  as 
to  render  it  at  once  an  example  and  fit  instrument  for 
introducing  the  same  absolute  rule  into  these  Colonies: — 


HOUSE  IN  WHICH  JEFFERSON  WROTE  THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE, 
CORNER  OF  MARKET  AND  SEVENTH  STREETS,   PHILADELPHIA 


For  taking  away  our  Charters,  abolishing  our  most 
valuable  Laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  Forms 
of  our  Governments:— 

For  suspending  our  own  Legislatures,  and  declaring 
themselves  invested  with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all 
cases  whatsoever. — 

He  has  abdicated  Government  here,  by  declaring  us 
out  of  his  Protection,  and  waging  War  against  us. — 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  Coasts,  burnt 
our  towns,  and  destroyed  the  Lives  of  our  People. — 

297 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  Armies  of  for 
eign  Mercenaries  to  compleat  the  works  of  death,  deso 
lation  and  tyranny,  already  begun  with  circumstances  of 
Cruelty  &  perfidy  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  bar 
barous  ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the  Head  of  a  civilized 
nation. — 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow  Citizens  taken  Captive 
on  the  high  Seas  to  bear  arms  against  their  Country, 
to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  Breth 
ren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  Hands. — 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us, 
and  has  endeavored  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our 
frontiers,  the  merciless  Indian  Savages,  whose  known 
rule  of  warfare,  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all 
Ages,  Sexes,  and  conditions. — 

In  every  stage  of  these  Oppressions  We  have  Peti 
tioned  for  Redress  in  the  most  humble  terms;  Our  Peti 
tions  have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A 
Prince,  whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act 
which  may  define  a  Tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  ruler  of  a  free 
people. — 

Nor  have  We  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  Brit 
ish  brethren.  We  have  warned  them  from  time  to  time 
of  attempts  by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrant 
able  jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have  reminded  them  of 
the  circumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement 
here.  We  have  appealed  to  their  native  justice  and 
magnanimity,  and  we  have  conjured  them  by  the  ties 
of  our  common  kindred  to  disavow  these  usurpations, 
which,  would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connections  and 
correspondence.  They  too  have  been  deaf  to  the  voice 
of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We  must,  therefore, 
acquiesce  in  the  necessity,  which  denounces  our  Separa 
tion,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind, 
Enemies  in  War,  in  Peace  Friends. — 

We,  therefore,  the  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  in  General  Congress,  Assembled,  ap- 

298 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

pealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  recti 
tude  of  our  intentions  do,  in  the  Name  and  by  the 
Authority  of  the  good  People  of  these  Colonies,  solemnly 
publish  and  declare  That  these  United  Colonies  are,  and 
of  Right  ought  to  be  Free  and  Independent  States;  that 
they  are  Absolved  from  all  Allegiance  to  the  British 
Crown,  and  that  all  political  connection  between  them 
and  the  State  of  Great  Britain,  is  and  ought  to  be  totally 
dissolved;  and  that  as  Free  and  Independent  States, 
they  have  full  Power  to  levy  War,  conclude  Peace, 
contract  Alliances,  establish  Commerce,  and  to  do  all 
other  Acts  and  Things  which  Independent  States  may 
of  right  do.  And  for  the  support  of  this  Declaration, 
with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  divine  Provi 
dence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  Lives,  our 
Fortunes,  and  our  sacred  Honor. 

Signed  by  order  and  in  behalf  of  the  Congress.1 

JOHN  HANCOCK,  President. 
Attested,  CHARLES  THOMPSON,  Secretary. 

New  Hampshire. 
JOSIAH  BARTLETT,       WILLIAM  WHIFFLE,       MATTHEW  THORNTON. 

Massachusetts  Bay. 

SAMUEL  ADAMS,  JOHN  ADAMS, 

ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE,  ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

Rhode  Island,  Etc. 
STEPHEN  HOPKINS,  WILLIAM  ELLERY. 

Connecticut. 

ROGER  SHERMAN,  SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON, 

WILLIAM  WILLIAMS,  OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 

New  York. 

WILLIAM  FLOYD,  PHILIP  LIVINGSTON, 

FRANCIS  LEWIS,  LEWIS  MORRIS. 

1  This  phrase  appears  in  the  first  printed  copy,  but  not  in  the  original 
manuscript. 

300 


RICHARD  STOCKTON, 
FRANCIS  HOPKINSON, 


WILLIAM  HOOPER, 
BUTTON  GWINNETT, 


ROBERT  MORRIS, 
JOHN  MORTON, 
GEORGE  TAYLOR, 


OESAR  RODNEY, 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

New  Jersey. 


ABRAHAM  CLARK. 

North  Carolina. 
JOSEPH  HEWES, 

Georgia. 
LYMAN  HALL, 


JOHN  WITHERSPOON, 
JOHN  HART, 


JOHN  PENN. 
GEORGE  WALTON. 


Pennsylvania. 

BENJAMIN  RUSH,          BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
GEORGE  CLYMER,  JAMES  SMITH, 


WILLIAM  PACA, 

Delaware. 
GEORGE  READ, 


Maryland. 
SAMUEL  CHASE, 
CHARLES  CARROLL  OF  CARROLLTON, 


GEORGE  Ross. 
THOMAS  M'KEAN. 


THOMAS  STONE, 
JAMES  WILSON. 


GEORGE  WYTHE, 
THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 
THOMAS  NELSON,  JR., 


EDWARD  RUTLEDGE, 
THOMAS  LYNCH,  JR., 


Virginia. 


RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 
BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 
FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE, 
CARTER  BRAXTON. 


South  Carolina. 


THOMAS  HEYWARD,  JR., 
ARTHUR  MIDDLETON. 


WASHINGTON  RECEIVES  EXTRAORDINARY  POWERS, 

1776 

On  the  day  after  the  capture  of  Trenton,  and 
while  that  event  was  still  unknown  to  the  Congress 
sitting  in  Baltimore,  that  body  passed  the  follow 
ing  resolution  conferring  practically  dictatorial  au 
thority  on  Washington.  Text  from  the  "Journal 
of  Congress,"  December  27,  1776.  (See  page  90.) 

Resolved,  That  General  Washington  shall  be,  and  he  is 
hereby  vested  with  full,  ample,  and  complete  powers  to 
raise  and  collect  together,  in  the  most  speedy  and  effect- 


THE   CONGRESS   HOUSE,    BALTIMORE 

(Where  the  Congress  adjourned  to  from  Philadelphia) 

302 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

tual  manner,  from  any  or  all  of  these  United  States, 
sixteen  battalions  of  infantry  in  addition  to  those  al 
ready  voted  by  Congress;  to  appoint  officers  for  the 
said  battalions;  to  raise,  officer,  and  equip  3000  light 
horse;  three  regiments  of  artillery,  and  a  corps  of  en 
gineers;  and  to  establish  their  pay;  to  apply  to  any  of 
the  states  for  such  aid  of  the  militia  as  he  shall  judge 
necessary;  to  form  such  magazines  of  provisions,  and 
in  such  places,  as  he  shall  think  proper;  to  displace  ana 
appoint  all  officers  under  the  rank  of  brigadier  general, 
and  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  in  every  other  department  in 
the  American  armies;  to  take,  wherever  he  may  be, 
whatever  he  may  want  for  the  use  of  the  army,  if  the 
inhabitants  will  not  sell  it,  allowing  a  reasonable  price 
for  the  same;  to  arrest  and  confine  persons  who  refuse 
to  take  the  continental  currency  or  are  otherwise  dis 
affected  to  the  American  cause;  and  return  to  the  states, 
of  which  they  are  citizens,  their  names,  and  the  nature 
of  their  offences,  together  with  the  witnesses  to  prove 
them: 

That  the  foregoing  powers  be  vested  in  general  Wash 
ington,  for  and  during  the  term  of  six  months  from  the 
date  hereof,  unless  sooner  determined  by  Congress. 


BURGOYNE'S  SURRENDER  AT  SARATOGA,  1777 

The  details  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  were  pre 
served  by  Sergeant  Roger  Lamb  of  the  Royal 
Welsh  Fusileers,  an  officer  closely  associated  with 
General  Burgoyne  at  Saratoga.  His  "Journal  of 
Occurrences  during  the  late  American  War"  was 
published  in  Dublin  in  1809.  In  these  Journals 
he  published  for  the  first  time  the  official  docu 
ments  leading  up  to  the  surrender.  (See  page 
108.) 

The  Saratoga  campaign  in  October,  1777,  had 
become  so  serious  for  the  British  forces  that  on 
October  I2th — according  to  Sergeant  Lamb— 

a  council  of  war  composed  of  general  officers  was  held, 
in  which  general  Burgoyne  stated  the  present  situation 
to  the  following  effect : 

"Upwards  of  fourteen  thousand  of  the  army,  with  a 
considerable  quantity  of  artillery  almost  surround  us, 
threatening  an  attack  every  moment.  Two  large  bodies 
with  cannon  at  Fort  Edward  guard  that  passage.  A 
brigade  below  Saratoga  church,  by  which  their  two 
armies  can  have  a  free  communication.  Our  batteaux 
destroyed,  and  the  enemy  in  possession  of  the  immedi 
ate  passes  over  Hudson's  River.  The  following  routes 
are  those  which  offer  themselves  for  the  retreat  of  the 
army: — 

"ist.  To  cross  the  river  by  the  ford  at  Fort  Edward. 

"  2d.  To  take  a  passage  over  the  mountains  until  we 

304 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 


arrived  at  some  place  higher  up  the  river,  where  it  can 
be  passed  by  rafts. 

"3d.  To  continue  the  march  on  the  mountains  until 
we  arrive  at  a  ford,  reported  to  be  passable,  but  the 
passage  of  which  is  acknowledged  to  be  attended  with 
much  danger. 

"4th.  To  persevere  in  the  march  over  the  mountains, 
until  we  clear  the  head  of  Hudson's  River,  keeping  on 
the  westward  of 
Lake  George  until 
the  army  shall  ar 
rive  at  Ticon- 
deroga.  The  In 
dians,  and  some 
small  bodies  of 
stragglers  only, 
have  effected  the 
latter  passage." 

At  the  same 
time,  general  Bur- 
goyne  submitted 
to  the  council  his 
readiness  to  at 
tack  the  enemy, 
and  attempt  forc 
ing  a  passage 
through  their 
ranks.  The  coun 
cil,  however,  de 
termined  in  favor 
of  a  retreat  by  night.  It  was  also  stated,  that  the  pro 
visions  could  not  possibly  hold  out  beyond  the  2Oth, 
and  that  there  were  neither  rum  nor  spruce  beer.  .  .  . 

The  general  deduced  the  following  propositions,  and 
to  them  the  council  gave  the  annexed  replies: 

"ist.  To  wait  in  the  present  position  an  attack  from 
the  enemy,  or  the  chance  of  favourable  events. 

305 


BRIGADIER-GENERAL   FRASER 

(Commander  of  the  Light  Brigade  under  Burgoyne) 


VOL.  iv. — 21 


A  HISTORY  OP  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

"ad.  To  attack  the  enemy. 

"jd.  To  retreat,   repairing  the  bridges  as  the  army 
moves  for  the  artillery,  in  order  to  force  the  passage  of 

the  ford. 

"4th.  To  retreat 
by  night,  leaving  the 
artillery  and  the  bag 
gage;  and  should  it 
be  found  impracti 
cable  to  force  the  pas 
sage  with  musquetry, 
to  attempt  the  upper 
ford,  or  the  passage 
round  Lake  George. 

"5th.  In  case  the 
enemy  by  extending 
to  their  left,  leave 
their  rear  open,  to 
march  rapidly  for 
Albany. 

"Upon  the  first 
proposition  resolved, 
that  the  situation 
would  grow  worse  by 
delay;  that  the  pro 
vision  now  in  store  is 
not  more  than  suffi 
cient  for  the  retreat, 
should  impediments 
intervene,  or  a  cir 
cuit  of  country  be 
come  necessary,  and 


GENERAL  MAP  ILLUSTRATING  THE  BURGOYNE      3S  the    enemy  did 

CAMPAIGN  attack    when     the 

ground  was   unforti 

fied,  it  is  not  probable  they  will   do   it  now,  as  they 
have  a  better  game  to  play. 

306 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

"The  second  unadvisable  and  desperate,  there  being 
no  possibility  of  reconnoitering  the  enemy's  position, 
and  their  great  superiority  of  numbers  known. 

"The  third  impracticable. 

"The  fifth  thought  worthy  of  consideration  by  the 
lieutenant-general,  major-general  Phillips,  and  brig 
adier-general  Hamilton;  but  the  position  of  the  enemy 
yet  gives  no  opening  for  it. 

"Resolved,  that  the  fourth  proposition  is  the  only  re 
source,  and  that  to  effect  it,  the  utmost  secrecy  and 
silence  is  to  be  observed;  and  the  troops  are  to  be  put 
in  motion  from  the  right  in  the  still  part  of  the  night, 
without  any  change  in  the  disposition." 

The  arrival  of  scouts  prevented  the  execution  of  this 
determination.  They  brought  intelligence,  that  the 
enemy's  position  on  the  right  was  such,  and  they  had 
so  many  small  parties  out,  that  it  would  be  impossible 
to  move  without  being  immediately  discovered.  Thus 
circumstanced,  general  Burgoyne  again  assembled  the 
council.  .  .  . 

General  Burgoyne  then  drew  up  the  following  letter 
directed  to  general  Gates,  relative  to  the  negociation, 
and  laid  it  before  the  council.  It  was  unanimously  ap 
proved,  and  upon  that  foundation  the  treaty  opened. 

"After  having  fought  you  twice,  lieutenant  general 
Burgoyne,  has  waited  some  days  in  his  present  position, 
determined  to  try  a  third  conflict,  against  any  force  you 
could  bring  to  attack  him. 

"He  is  apprized  of  the  superiority  of  your  numbers, 
and  the  disposition  of  your  troops,  to  impede  his  sup 
plies,  and  render  his  retreat  a  scene  of  carnage  on  both 
sides.  In  this  situation  he  is  compelled  by  humanity, 
and  thinks  himself  justified  by  established  principles, 
and  precedents  of  state,  and  of  war,  to  spare  the  lives 
of  brave  men  upon  honorable  terms. 

"Should  major  general  Gates,  be  inclined  to  treat 
upon  that  idea,  general  Burgoyne  would  propose  a 

307 


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ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

cessation  of  arms,  during  the  time  necessary  to  com 
municate  the  preliminary  terms  by  which  in  any  ex 
tremity,  he,  and  his  army,  mean  to  abide." 

General  Gates  then  transmitted  the  following  pro 
posals  to  general  Burgoyne: 

"General  Burgoyne's 
army  being  exceedingly  re 
duced  by  repeated  defeats, 
by  desertion,  sickness,  &c. 
their  provisions  exhausted, 
their  military  horses,  tents 
and  baggage  taken  or  de 
stroyed,  their  retreat  cut 
off,  and  their  camp  in 
vested,  they  can  only  be 
allowed  to  surrender 
prisoners  of  war." 

"Answer.  Lieutenant 
general  Burgoyne's  army 
however  reduced,  will  never 
admit  that  their  retreat  is 
cut  off  while  they  have 
arms  in  their  hands. 

"The  troops  under  his 
excellency  general  Bur 
goyne's  command,  may  be 
drawn  up  in  their  encamp 
ments,  where  they  will  be 
ordered  to  ground  their  HESSIAN  SOLDIER 

arms,  and  may   thereupon 

be  marched  to  the  river  side  to  be  passed  over  in  their 
way  towards  Bennington." 

"Answer.  This  article  inadmissible  in  any  extrem 
ity."  .  .  .  The  following  was  substituted  in  its  stead. 

"The  troops  to  march  outof  their  camp  with  the  honors 
of  war,  and  the  artillery  of  the  entrenchments,  to  the 
verge  of  the  river,  where  their  arms  and  artillery  must 

3°9 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

be  left.  The  arms  to  be  piled  by  word  of  command 
from  their  own  officers. 

"A  free  passage  to  be  granted  to  the  army  under 
lieutenant  general  Burgoyne  to  Great  Britain,  upon 
condition  of  not  serving  again  in  North  America  during 
the  present  .pefix'test;  and  the  port  of  Boston  to  be  as 
signed  for  tfre  e^ntry  of  transports  to  receive  the  troops 
whenever  general  Howe  shall  so  order." 

While  the  British  troops  were  marching  from  the 
heights  of  Saratoga  to  the  verge  of  the  river,  the  Ameri 
can  drummers  and  fifers  were  ordered  by  General  Gates 
to  play  the  tune  of  "  Yankey  Doodle,"  while  at  the  same 
time  his  troops  were  drawn  up  in  a  thick  part  of  the  wood 
out  of  the  sight  of  the  British  army. 


FIRST  TREATIES   MADE    BY  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

1778 

On  February  6,  1778,  two  treaties  were  concluded 
at  Paris,  between  the  United  States  of  North 
America  and  France:  the  first,  one  of  alliance; 
the  second,  one  of  amity  and  commerce.  The  first 
one,  here  given,  it  will  be  noted,  acknowledged  the 
independence  of  the  American  Colonies.  Both 
treaties  were  the  result  of  Benjamin  Franklin's 
negotiations.  Text  in  "Revised  Statutes  of  the 
United  States  Relating  to  the  District  of  Colum 
bia,  etc."  (See  page  114.) 

The  Most  Christian  King  and  the  United  States  of 
North  America,  to  wit:  New  Hampshire,  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Vir 
ginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia, 
having  this  day  concluded  a  treaty  of  amity  and  com 
merce,  for  the  reciprocal  advantage  of  their  subjects 
and  citizens,  have  thought  it  necessary  to  take  in  con 
sideration  the  means  of  strengthening  those  engage 
ments,  and  of  rendering  them  useful  to  the  safety  and 
tranquility  of  the  two  parties;  particularly  in  case  Great 
Britain,  in  resentment  of  that  connection  and  of  the 
good  correspondence  which  is  the  object  of  the  said 
treaty,  should  break  the  peace  with  France,  either  by 
direct  hostilities  or  by  hindering  her  commerce  and 
navigation  in  a  manner  contrary  to  the  rights  of  nations, 
and  the  peace  subsisting  between  the  two  Crowns. 
And  His  Majesty  and  the  said  United  States,  having 

3" 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

resolved  in  that  case  to  join  their  counsels  and  efforts 
against  the  enterprises  of  their  common  enemy,  the  re 
spective  Plenipotentiaries  impowered  to  concert  the 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN 

(Medallion  by  Nini,  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery) 

clauses  and  conditions  proper  to  fulfil  said  intentions, 
have,  after  the  most  mature  deliberation,  concluded  and 
determined  on  the  following  articles: 

ARTICLE  I 

If  war  should  break  out  between  France  and  Great 
Britain  during  the  continuance  of  the  present  war  be- 

312 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

tween  the  United  States  and  England,  His  Majesty  and 
the  said  United  States  shall  make  it  a  common  cause 
and  aid  each  other  mutually  with  their  good  offices, 
their  counsels  and  their  forces,  according  to  the  exigence 
of  conjunctures,  as  becomes  good  and  faithful  allies. 

ARTICLE  II 

The  essential  and  direct  end  of  the  present  defensive 
alliance  is  to  maintain  effectually  the  liberty,  sovereignty, 
and  independence  absolute  and  unlimited,  of  the  said 
United  States,  as  well  in  matters  of  government  as  of 
commerce. 

ARTICLE  III 

The  two  contracting  parties  shall  each  on  its  own 
part,  and  in  the  manner  it  may  judge  most  proper, 
make  all  the  efforts  in  its  power  against  their  common 
enemy,  in  order  to  attain  the  end  proposed. 

ARTICLE  IV 

The  contracting  parties  agree  that  in  case  either  of 
them  should  form  any  particular  enterprise  in  which  the 
concurrence  of  the  other  may  be  desired,  the  party  whose 
concurrence  is  desired,  shall  readily,  and  with  good 
faith,  join  to  act  in  concert  for  that  purpose,  as  far  as 
circumstances  and  its  own  particular  situation  will  per 
mit;  and  in  that  case,  they  shall  regulate,  by  a  particu 
lar  convention,  the  quantity  and  kind  of  succour  to  be 
furnished,  and  the  time  and  manner  of  its  being  brought 
into  action,  as  well  as  the  advantages  which  are  to  be 
its  compensation. 

ARTICLE  V 

If  the  United  States  should  think  fit  to  attempt  the 
reduction  of  the  British  power,  remaining  in  the  northern 

313 


<&. 


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<r*-*-  f/^ 6c<rl~/0e&/^ 


THE   FIRST   FORMAL    DIPLOMATIC    COMMUNICATION   MADE    ON 


rt-Mt  «<<"><?  r<«         ^'<    «*,-  /**      ^-/ 


BEHALF    OF   THE    UNITED    STATES  TO   A   FOREIGN   POWER 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

parts  of  America,  or  the  islands  of  Bermudas,  those 
countries  or  islands,  in  case  of  success,  shall  be  con 
federated  with  or  dependent  upon  the  said  United  States. 

ARTICLE  VI 

The  Most  Christian  King  renounces  forever  the 
possession  of  the  islands  of 
Bermudas,  as  well  as  of  any 
part  of  the  continent  of  North 
America,  which  before  the 
treaty  of  Paris  in  1763,  or  in 
virtue  of  that  treaty,  were  ac 
knowledged  to  belong  to  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain,  or  to 
the  United  States,  heretofore 
C.A.GERARD  called  British  Colonies,  or 

(Secretary  in  the  French  Foreign  ,,TU:~U  ~  r~  ~  *.  <-V,ic  +\  m^  r>r 
Office  who  executed  the  treaties  WftlCn  3TC  Et  tniS  time,  OF 


^bruary  6.^1  778.  on  haye     lately     been     under     the 

power     of    the     King     and 
Crown  of  Great  Britain. 


ARTICLE  VII 

If  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  shall  think  proper  to 
attack  any  of  the  islands  situated  in  the  Gulph  of 
Mexico,  or  near  that  Gulph,  which  are  at  present  under 
the  power  of  Great  Britain,  all  the  said  isles,  in  case  of 
success,  shall  appertain  to  the  Crown  of  France. 

ARTICLE  VIII 

Neither  of  the  two  parties  shall  conclude  either  truce 
or  peace  with  Great  Britain  without  the  formal  consent 
of  the  other  first  obtained;  and  they  mutually  engage 
not  to  lay  down  their  arms  until  the  independence  of 
the  United  States  shall  have  been  formally  or  tacitly 

316 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

assured  by  the  treaty  or  treaties  that  shall  terminate 
the  war. 

ARTICLE  IX 

The  contracting  parties   declare,  that  being  resolved 
to  fulfil  each  on  its  own  part  the  clauses  and  conditions 


HISTORIC   TABLE   IN  THE   FRENCH   FOREIGN   OFFICE 

(On  this  table  were  signed  [in  1778]  our  treaties  of  commerce  and  alliance  with  France) 

of  the  present  treaty  of  alliance,  according  to  its  own 
power  and  circumstances,  there  shall  be  no  after  claim 
of  compensation  on  one  side  or  the  other,  whatever  may 
be  the  event  of  the  war. 


ARTICLE  X 

The  Most  Christian  King  and  the  United  States 
agree  to  invite  or  admit  other  powers  who  may  have 
received  injuries  from  England,  to  make  common  cause 
with  them,  and  to  accede  to  the  present  alliance,  under 

317 


such  conditions  as  shall  be  freely  agreed  to  and  settled 
between  all  the  parties. 


ARTICLE  XI 

The  two  parties  guarantee  mutually  from  the  present 
time  and  forever  against  all  other  powers  to  wit:  The 
United  States  to  His  Most  Christian  Majesty,  the  present 

possessions  of  the 
Crown  of  France  in 
America,  as  well  as 
those  which  it  may 
acquire  by  the  fut 
ure  treaty  of  peace. 
And  His  Most 
Christian  Majesty 
guarantees  on  his 
part  to  the  United 
States  their  liberty, 
sovereignty,  and  in 
dependence,  abso 
lute  and  unlimited, 
as  well  in  matters  of 
government  as  com 
merce,  and  also 
their  possessions, 
and  the  additions  or 
conquests  that  their 
confederation  may 
obtain  during  the 
war,  from  any  of 

the  dominions  now,  or  heretofore  possessed  by  Great 
Britain  in  North  America,  conformable  to  the  5th  and 
6th  articles  above  written,  the  whole  as  their  posses 
sions  shall  be  fixed  and  assured  to  the  said  States, 
at  the  moment  of  the  cessation  of  their  present  war 
with  England. 

318 


SILAS   DEANE 

(Appointed  'Secret  Agent  to  France  by  the  Con 
tinental  Congress) 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 


ARTICLE  XII 

In  order  to  fix  more  precisely  the  sense  and  ap 
plication  of  the  preceding  article,  the  contracting 
parties  declare, 
that  in  case  of  a 
rupture  between 
France  and  Eng 
land  the  recip 
rocal  guarantee  de 
clared  in  the  said 
article  shall  have 
its  full  force  and 
effect  the  moment 
such  war  shall 
break  out;  and  if 
such  rupture  shall 
not  take. place,  the 
mutual  obligations 
of  the  said  guar 
antee  shall  not 
commence  until 
the  moment  of  the 
cessation  of  the  PIERRE  AUGUSTIN  CARON  DE  BEAUMARCHAIS 

present      War      be-  (From  a  drawing  by  St.  Aubin) 

tween    the    United 

States   and   England   shall    have  ascertained  their  pos 
sessions. 

ARTICLE  XIII 

The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified  on  both  sides,  and 
the  ratifications  shall  be  exchanged  in  the  space  of  six 
months  or  sooner  if  possible. 

In  faith  whereof  the  respective  Plenipotentiaries,  to 
wit:  On  the  part  of  the  Most  Christian  King,  Conrad 
Alexander  Gerard,  Royal  Syndic  of  the  city  of  Stras- 
bourgh,  and  Secretary  of  his  Majesty's  Council  of  State; 

319 


A  HISTORY  OP  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

and  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  Benjamin  Frank 
lin,  Deputy  to  the  General  Congress  from  the  State  of 
Pennyslvania,  and  President  of  the  Convention  of  the 
same  State,  Silas  Deane,  heretofore  Deputy  from  the 
State  of  Connecticut,  and  Arthur  Lee,Councellor  at  Law, 
have  signed  the  above  articles  both  in  the  French  and 
English  languages,  declaring,  nevertheless,  that  the 
present  treaty  was  originally  composed  and  concluded 
in  the  French  language,  and  they  have  hereunto  affixed 
their  seals. 

Done  at  Paris  this  sixth  day  of  February,  one  thou 
sand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-eight. 

C.  A.  GERARD  (L.  S.) 
B.  FRANKLIN  (L.  S.) 
SILAS  DEANE  (L.  S.) 
ARTHUR  LEE  (L.  S.) 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  VINCENNES,  1779 

Learning  that  Governor  Hamilton,  of  Detroit,  had 
captured  Vincennes,  Col.  George  Rogers  Clark  led 
an  expedition  against  him  and  recaptured  the 
town,  February  20,  1779.  This  campaign  com 
pleted  the  conquest  of  the  country  north  of  the 
Ohio  River.  The  following  are  various  extracts  se 
lected  from  Clark's  "Memoirs,"  by  the  editor  of 
"Old  South  Leaflet,"  No.  43,  giving  the  essential 
details  of  the  campaign.  (See  page  124.) 

Everything  being  ready,  on  Feb.  5,  after  receiving  a 
lecture  and  absolution  from  the  priest,  we  crossed  the 
Kaskaskia  River  with  170  men,  marched  about  3  miles 
and  encamped,  where  we  lay  until  the  (7th),  and  set 
out.  ...  It  was  difficult  and  very  fatiguing  marching. 
My  object  was  now  to  keep  the  men  in  spirits.  I  suf 
fered  them  to  shoot  game  on  all  occasions,  and  feast  on 
it  like  Indian  war-dancers.  .  .  .  Thus,  insensibly,  without 
a  murmur,  were  those  men  led  on  to  the  banks  of  the 
Little  Wabash,  which  we  reached  on  the  I3th,  through 
incredible  difficulties.  .  .  . 

We  formed  a  camp  on  a  height  which  we  found  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  and  suffered  our  troops  to  amuse 
themselves.  I  ordered  a  pirogue  to  be  built  immediately, 
and  acted  as  though  crossing  the  water  would  be  only 
a  piece  of  diversion.  In  the  evening  of  the  I4th  our 
vessel  was  finished,  manned,  and  sent  to  explore  the 
drowned  lands  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Little  Wabash, 
with  private  instructions  what  report  to  make,  and,  if 

VOL.    IV. — 22  -221 


possible,  to  find  some  spot  of  dry  land.  They  found 
about  half  an  acre,  and  marked  the  trees  from  thence 
back  to  the  camp,  and  made  a  very  favorable  report. 
.  .  .  The  channel  of  the  river  where  we  lay  was  about 
30  yards  wide.  A  scaffold  was  built  on  the  opposite 
shore  (which  was  about  3  feet  under  water),  and  our 
baggage  ferried  across,  and  put  on  it.  Our  horses  swam 
across,  and  received  their  loads  at  the  scaffold,  by  which 
time  the  troops  were  also  brought  across,  and  we  began 
our  march  through  the  water.  .  .  . 

We  were  now  convinced  that  the  whole  of  the  low 
country  on  the  Wabash  was  drowned,  and  that  the 
enemy  could  easily  get  to  us,  if  they  discovered  us,  and 
wished  to  risk  an  action;  if  they  did  not,  we  made  no 
doubt  of  crossing  the  river  by  some  means  or  other.  .  .  . 

The  last  day's  march  through  the  water  was  far 
superior  to  anything  the  Frenchmen  had  an  idea  of. 
They  were  backward  in  speaking;  said  that  the  nearest 
land  to  use  was  a  small  league  called  the  Sugar  Camp, 
on  the  bank  of  the  (river?)  A  canoe  was  sent  off,  and 
returned  without  finding  that  we  could  pass.  I  went 
in  here  myself,  and  sounded  the  water;  found  it  deep  as 
to  my  neck.  I  returned  with  a  design  to  have  the  men 
transported  on  board  the  canoes  to  the  Sugar  Camp.  .  .  . 
I  returned  but  slowly  to  the  troops,  giving  myself  time 
to  think.  On  our  arrival,  all  ran  to  hear  what  was  the 
report.  Every  eye  was  fixed  on  me.  I  unfortunately 
spoke  in  a  serious  manner  to  one  of  the  officers.  The 
whole  were  alarmed  without  knowing  what  I  said.  I 
viewed  their  confusion  for  about  one  minute,  whispered 
to  those  near  me  to  do  as  I  did:  immediately  put 
some  water  in  my  hand,  poured  on  powder,  blackened 
my  face,  gave  the  war-whoop,  and  marched  into  the 
water  without  saying  a  word.  The  party  gazed,  and 
fell  in,  one  after  another,  without  saying  a  word,  like 
a  flock  of  sheep.  ...  I  now  intended  to  have  them  trans 
ported  across  the  deepest  part  of  the  water;  but,  when 

322 


GEORGE   ROGERS   CLARK 

(Prom  the  painting  by  Otto  Stark,  painted  for  the 
Indiana  Society  of  the  Sons  of  the  Revolution.) 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

about  waist  deep,  one  of  the  men  informed  me  that  he 
thought  he  felt  a  path.  We  examined,  and  found  it 
so,  and  concluded  that  it  kept  on  the  highest  ground, 
which  it  did;  and,  by  taking  pains  to  follow  it,  we  got 
to  the  Sugar  Camp  without  the  least  difficulty,  where 
there  was  about  half  an  acre  of  dry  ground,  at  least, 
not  under  water,  where  we  took  up  our  lodging.  .  .  . 
A  little  after  sunrise  I  lectured  the  whole.  I  con 
cluded  by  informing  them  that  passing  the  plain  that 
was  then  in  full  view  and  reaching  the  opposite  woods 
would  put  an  end  to  their  fatigue,  that  in  a  few  hours 
they  would  have  a  sight  of  their  long-wished-for  object, 
and  immediately  stepped  into  the  water  without  wait 
ing  for  any  reply.  Getting  about  the  middle  of  the  plain, 
the  water  about  mid-deep,  I  found  myself  sensibly  fail 
ing;  and,  as  there  were  no  trees  nor  bushes  for  the  men 
to  support  themselves  by,  I  feared  that  many  of  the 
most  weak  would  be  drowned.  I  ordered  the  canoes  to 
make  the  land,  discharge  their  loading,  and  play  back 
ward  and  forward  with  all  diligence,  and  pick  up  the 
men;  and,  to  encourage  the  party,  sent  some  of  the 
strongest  men  forward,  with  orders,  when  they  got  to 
a  certain  distance,  to  pass  the  word  back  that  the  water 
was  getting  shallow,  and  when  getting  near  the  woods 
to  cry  out,  "Land!"  This  stratagem  had  its  desired 
effect.  The  men,  encouraged  by  it,  exerted  themselves 
almost  beyond  their  ability;  the  weak  holding  by  the 
stronger.  .  .  .  The  water  never  got  shallower,  but  con 
tinued  deepening.  Getting  to  the  woods,  where  the 
men  expected  land,  the  water  was  up  to  my  shoulders; 
but  gaining  the  woods  was  a  great  consequence.  All  the 
low  men  and  the  weakly  hung  to  trees,  and  floated  on 
the  old  logs  until  they  were  taken  off  by  the  canoes. 
The  strong  and  tall  got  ashore  and  built  fires.  Many 
would  reach  the  shore,  and  fall  with  their  bodies  half  in 
in  the  water,  not  being  able  to  support  themselves  with 
out  it.  Crossing  a  narrow,  deep  lake  in  the  canoes,  and 

323 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

marching  some  distance,  we  came  to  a  copse  of  timber 
called  the  Warrior's  Island.  We  were  now  in  full  view 
of  the  fort  and  town,  not  a  shrub  between  us,  at  about 
2  miles'  distance. 

Our  situation  was  now  truly  critical — no  possibility 
of  retreating  in  case  of  defeat,  and  in  full  view  of  a  town 
that  had,  at  this  time,  upward  of  600  men  in  it — troops, 
inhabitants,  and  Indians.  Our  fate  was  now  to  be  de 
termined,  probably  in  a  few  hours.  We  knew  that 
nothing  but  the  most  daring  conduct  would  insure  suc 
cess.  I  knew  that  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  wished 
us  well,  that  many  were  lukewarm  to  the  interest  of 
either,  and  I  also  learned  that  the  grand  chief,  the 
Tobacco's  son,  had  but  a  few  days  before  openly  de 
clared,  in  council  with  the  British,  that  he  was  a  brother 
and  friend  to  the  Big  Knives.  As  there  was  but  little 
probability  of  our  remaining  until  dark  undiscovered, 
I  determined  to  begin  the  career  immediately,  and  wrote 
the  following  placard  to  the  inhabitants: 

To  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  POST  VINCENNES: 

Gentlemen, — Being  now  within  2  miles  of  your  village  with  my 
army,  determined  to  take  your  fort  this  night,  and  not  being  willing 
to  surprise  you,  I  take  this  method  to  request  such  of  you  as  are 
true  citizens  and  willing  to  enjoy  the  liberty  I  bring  you  to  remain 
still  in  your  houses;  and  those,  if  any  there  be,  that  are  friends  to 
the  King  will  instantly  repair  to  the  fort,  and  join  the  hair-buyer 
general,  and  fight  like  men.  And  if  any  such  as  do  not  go  to  the 
fort  shall  be  discovered  afterwards,  they  may  depend  on  severe  pun 
ishment.  On  the  contrary,  those  who  are  true  friends  to  liberty 
may  depend  on  being  well  treated;  and  I  once  more  request  them  to 
keep  out  of  the  streets.  For  every  one  I  find  in  arms  on  my  arrival 
I  shall  treat  him  as  an  enemy. 

(Signed)        G.  R.  CLARK. 

We  anxiously  viewed  this  messenger  until  he  entered 
the  town,  and  in  a  few  minutes  could  discover  by  our 
glasses  some  stir  in  every  street  that  we  could  penetrate 
into,  and  great  numbers  running  or  riding  out  into  the 

324 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

commons,  we  supposed,  to  view  us,  which  was  the 
case.  But  what  surprised  us  was  that  nothing  had  yet 
happened  that  had  the  appearance  of  the  garrison  being 
alarmed — no  drum  nor  gun.  We  began  to  suppose  that 


SIMON    KENTON   WHO   JOINED  CLARK   AT   THE   FALLS   OF   THE   OHIO 

IN    1778 
(From  the  painting  owned    by  Robert  Clark,  Cincinnati,  Ohio) 

the  information  we  got  from  our  prisoners  was  false, 
and  that  the  enemy  already  knew  of  us,  and  were  pre 
pared.  ...  A  little  before  sunset  we  moved,  and  dis 
played  ourselves  in  full  view  of  the  town,  crowds  gazing 
at  us.  We  were  plunging  ourselves  into  certain  destruc 
tion  or  success.  .  .  . 

We  moved  on  slowly  in  full  view  of  the  town;    but, 
as  it  was  a  point  of  some  consequence  to  us  to  make 

325 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

ourselves  appear  as  formidable,  we,  in  leaving  the  covert 
that  we  were  in,  marched  and  countermarched  in  such 
a  manner  that  we  appeared  numerous.  In  raising  volun 
teers  in  the  Illinois,  every  person  that  set  about  the  busi 
ness  had  a  set  of  colors  given  him,  which  they  brought 
with  them  to  the  amount  of  ten  or  twelve  pairs.  These 
were  displayed  to  the  best  advantage;  and,  as  the  low 
plain  we  marched  through  was  not  a  perfect  level,  but 
had  frequent  risings  in  it  7  or  8  feet  higher  than  the 
common  level  (which  was  covered  with  water),  and  as 
these  risings  generally  ran  in  an  oblique  direction  to 
the  town,  we  took  the  advantage  of  one  of  them,  march 
ing  through  the  water  under  it,  which  completely  pre 
vented  our  being  numbered.  But  our  colors  showed 
considerably  above  the  heights,  as  they  were  fixed  on 
long  poles  procured  for  the  purpose,  and  at  a  distance 
made  no  despicable  appearance;  and,  as  our  young 
Frenchmen  had,  while  we  lay  on  the  Warrior's  Island, 
decoyed  and  taken  several  fowlers  with  their  horses, 
officers  were  mounted  on  these  horses,  and  rode  about, 
more  completely  to  deceive  the  enemy.  In  this  manner 
we  moved,  and  directed  our  march  in  such  a  way  as  to 
suffer  it  to  be  dark  before  we  had  advanced  more  than 
half-way  to  the  town.  We  then  suddenly  altered  our 
direction,  and  crossed  ponds  where  they  could  not 
have  suspected  us,  and  at  about  eight  o'clock  gained 
the  heights  back  of  the  town.  As  there  was  yet  no  hos 
tile  appearance,  we  were  impatient  to  have  the  cause 
unriddled.  Lieutenant  Bayley  was  ordered,  with  four 
teen  men,  to  march  and  fire  on  the  fort.  The  main  body 
moved  in  a  different  direction,  and  took  possession  of 
the  strongest  part  of  the  town. 

The  firing  now  commenced  on  the  fort,  but  they  did 
not  believe  it  was  an  enemy  until  one  of  their  men  was 
shot  down  through  a  port,  as  drunken  Indians  frequently 
saluted  the  fort  after  night.  The  drums  now  sounded, 
and  the  business  fairly  commenced  on  both  sides.  Rein- 

326 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

forcements  were  sent  to  the  attack  of  the  garrison,  while 
other  arrangements  were  making  in  town.  .  .  .  We  now 
found  that  the  garrison  had  known  nothing  of  us;  that, 
having  finished  the  fort  that  evening,  they  had  amused 
themselves  at  different  games,  and  had  just  retired 
before  my  letter  arrived,  as  it  was  near  roll-call. 

The  garrison  was  soon  completely  surrounded,  and 
the  firing  continued  without  intermission  (except  about 
fifteen  minutes  a  little  before  day)  until  about  nine 
o'clock  the  following  morning.  It  was  kept  up  by  the 
whole  of  the  troops,  joined  by  a  few  of  the  young  men 
of  the  town,  who  got  permission,  except  fifty  men  kept 
as  a  reserve.  .  .  .  Sometimes  an  irregular  fire,  as  hot  as 
possible,  was  kept  up  from  different  directions  for  a  few 
minutes,  and  then  only  a  continual  scattering  fire  at 
the  ports  as  usual;  and  a  great  noise  and  laughter  im 
mediately  commenced  in  different  parts  of  the  town,  by 
the  reserved  parties,  as  if  they  had  only  fired  on  the 
fort  a  few  minutes  for  amusement,  and  as  if  those  con 
tinually  firing  at  the  fort  were  only  regularly  relieved. 
Conduct  similar  to  this  kept  the  garrison  constantly 
alarmed.  They  did  not  know  what  moment  they  might 
be  stormed  or  (blown  up?),  as  they  could  plainly  dis 
cover  that  we  had  flung  up  some  intrenchments  across 
the  streets,  and  appeared  to  be  frequently  very  busy 
under  the  bank  of  the  river,  which  was  within  30  feet 
of  the  walls.  The  situation  of  the  magazine  we  knew 
well.  Captain  Bowman  began  some  works  in  order  to 
blow  it  up,  in  case  our  artillery  should  arrive;  but,  as 
we  knew  that  we  were  daily  liable  to  be  overpowered  by 
the  numerous  bands  of  Indians  on  the  river,  in  case 
they  had  again  joined  the  enemy  (the  certainty  of  which 
we  were  unacquainted  with),  we  resolved  to  lose  no 
time,  but  to  get  the  fort  in  our  possession  as  soon  as 
possible. 

A  little  before  day  the  troops  were  withdrawn  from 
their  positions  about  the  fort,  except  a  few  parties  of 

327 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

observation,  and  the  firing  totally  ceased.  Orders  were 
given,  in  case  of  Lamotte's  approach,  not  to  alarm  or 
fire  on  him  without  a  certainty  of  killing  or  taking  the 
whole.  In  less  than  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  he  passed 
within  10  feet  of  an  officer  and  a  party  that  lay  concealed. 
Ladders  were  flung  over  to  them;  and,  as  they  mounted 
them,  our  party  shouted.  Many  of  them  fell  from 
the  top  of  the  walls — some  within,  and  others  back;  but, 
as  they  were  not  fired  on,  they  all  got  over,  much  to  the 
joy  of  their  friends.  But,  on  considering  the  matter, 
they  must  have  been  convinced  that  it  was  a  scheme 
of  ours  to  let  them  in,  and  that  we  were  so  strong  as 
to  care  but  little  about  them  or  the  manner  of  their 
getting  into  the  garrison.  .  .  .  The  firing  immediately  com 
menced  on  both  sides  with  double  vigor;  and  I  believe 
that  more  noise  could  not  have  been  made  by  the  same 
number  of  men. 

Thus  the  attack  continued  until  about  nine  o'clock 
on  the  morning  of  the  24th.  Learning  that  the  two 
prisoners  they  had  brought  in  the  day  before  had  a 
considerable  number  of  letters  with  them,  I  supposed 
it  an  express  that  we  expected  about  this  time,  which  I 
knew  to  be  of  the  greatest  moment  to  us,  as  we  had  not 
received  one  since  our  arrival  in  the  country;  and,  not 
being  fully  acquainted  with  the  character  of  our  enemy, 
we  were  doubtful  that  those  papers  might  be  destroyed, 
to  prevent  which  I  sent  a  flag  (with  a  letter)  demanding 
the  garrison. 

[The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  which  was  ad 
dressed  by  Colonel  Clark  to  Lieutenant-Governor  Ham 
ilton  on  this  occasion: 


Sir, — In  order  to  save  yourself  from  the  impending  storm  that 
now  threatens  you,  I  order  you  immediately  to  surrender  yourself, 
with  all  your  garrison,  stores,  etc.  For,  if  I  am  obliged  to  storm, 
you  may  depend  on  such  treatment  as  is  justly  due  to  a  murderer. 
Beware  of  destroying  stores  of  any  kind  or  any  papers  or  letters  that 

328 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS 

are  in  your  possession,  or  hurting  one  house  in  town;  for,  by  Heavens! 
if  you  do,  there  shall  be  no  mercy  shown  you. 

(Signed)         G.  R.  CLARK. 

The  British  commandant  immediately  returned  the 
following  answer: 

Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton  begs  leave  to  acquaint  Colonel 
Clark  that  he  and  his  garrison  are  not  disposed  to  be  awed  into  any 
action  unworthy  British  subjects.] 

The  firing  then  commenced  warmly  for  a  considerable 
time;  and  we  were  obliged  to  be  careful  in  preventing 
our  men  from  exposing  themselves  too  much,  as  they 
were  now  much  animated,  having  been  refreshed  during 
the  flag.  They  frequently  mentioned  their  wishes  to 
storm  the  place,  and  put  an  end  to  the  business  at  once. 
.  .  .  The  firing  was  heavy  through  every  crack  that  could 
be  discovered  in  any  part  of  the  fort.  Several  of  the 
garrison  got  wounded,  and  no  possibility  of  standing  near 
the  embrasures.  Towards  the  evening  a  flag  appeared 
with  the  following  proposals: 

Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton  proposes  to  Colonel  Clark  a  truce 
for  three  days,  during  which  time  he  promises  there  shall  be  no  de 
fensive  works  carried  on  in  the  garrison,  on  condition  that  Colonel 
Clark  shall  observe,  on  his  part,  a  like  cessation  of  any  defensive 
work — that  is,  he  wishes  to  confer  with  Colonel  Clark  as  soon  as  can 
be,  and  promises  that  whatever  may  pass  between  them  two  and 
another  person  mutually  agreed  upon  to  be  present  shall  remain 
secret  till  matters  be  finished,  as  he  wishes  that,  whatever  the  result 
of  the  conference  may  be,  it  may  tend  to  the  honor  and  credit  of 
each  party.  If  Colonel  Clark  makes  a  difficulty  of  coming  into  the 
fort,  Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton  will  speak  to  him  by  the  gate. 

(Signed)  HENRY  HAMILTON. 

February  24th,  1779. 

I  was  at  a  great  loss  to  conceive  what  reason  Lieuten 
ant-Governor  Hamilton  could  have  for  wishing  a  truce 
of  three  days  on  such  terms  as  he  proposed.  Numbers 

329 


H     K 

«      £ 

g    S 


11 

W 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

said  it  was  a  scheme  to  get  me  into  their  possession.  I 
had  a  different  opinion  and  no  idea  of  his  possessing 
such  sentiments,  as  an  act  of  that  kind  would  infallibly 
ruin  him.  Although  we  had  the  greatest  reason  to  ex 
pect  a  reinforcement  in  less  than  three  days,  that 
would  at  once  put  an  end  to  the  siege,  I  yet  did  not 
think  it  prudent  to  agree  to  the  proposals,  and  sent  the 
following  answer: 

Colonel  Clark's  compliments  to  Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton, 
and  begs  leave  to  inform  him  that  he  will  not  agree  to  any  terms 
other  than  Mr.  Hamilton's  surrendering  himself  and  garrison  prisoners 
at  discretion.  If  Mr.  Hamilton  is  desirous  of  a  conference  with 
Colonel  Clark,  he  will  meet  him  at  the  church  with  Captain  Helm. 

(Signed)         G.  R.  C. 

February  24th,  1779. 

We  met  at  the  church,  about  80  yards  from  the  fort, 
Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton,  Major  Hay,  superin 
tendent  of  Indian  affairs,  Captain  Helm,  their  prisoner, 
Major  Bowman,  and  myself.  The  conference  began. 
Hamilton  produced  terms  of  capitulation,  signed,  that 
contained  various  articles,  one  of  which  was  that  the 
garrison  should  be  surrendered  on  their  being  permitted 
to  go  to  Pensacola  on  parole.  After  deliberating  on 
every  article,  I  rejected  the  whole.  He  then  wished  that 
I  would  make  some  proposition.  I  told  him  that  I  had 
no  other  to  make  than  what  I  had  already  made — that  of 
his  surrendering  as  prisoners  at  discretion.  .  .  .  We  took 
our  leave,  and  parted  but  a  few  steps,  when  Hamilton 
stopped,  and  politely  asked  me  if  I  would  be  so  kind 
as  to  give  him  my  reasons  for  refusing  the  garrison  any 
other  terms  than  those  I  had  offered.  I  told  him  I  had 
no  objections  in  giving  him  my  real  reasons,  which  were 
simply  these:  that  I  knew  the  greater  part  of  the  prin 
cipal  Indian  partisans  of  Detroit  were  with  him;  that 
I  wanted  an  excuse  to  put  them  to  death  or  otherwise 
treat  them  as  I  thought  proper;  that  the  cries  of  the 

331 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

widows  and  the  fatherless  on  the  frontiers,  which  they 
had  occasioned,  now  required  their  blood  from  my  hand; 
and  that  I  did  not  choose  to  be  so  timorous  as  to  disobey 
the  absolute  commands  of  their  authority,  which  I 
looked  upon  to  be  next  to  divine;  that  I  would  rather 
lose  fifty  men  than  not  to  empower  myself  to  execute 
this  piece  of  business  with  propriety;  that,  if  he  chose  to 
risk  the  massacre  of  his  garrison  for  their  sakes,  it  was 
his  own  pleasure;  and  that  I  might,  perhaps,  take  it 
into  my  head  to  send  for  some  of  those  widows  to  see 
it  executed.  .  .  . 

Some  moments  elapsed  without  a  word  passing  on 
either  side.  From  that  moment  my  resolutions  changed 
respecting  Hamilton's  situation.  I  told  him  that  we 
would  return  to  our  respective  posts;  that  I  would  re 
consider  the  matter,  and  let  him  know  the  result.  No 
offensive  measures  should  be  taken  in  the  mean  time. 
Agreed  to;  and  we  parted.  What  had  passed  being 
made  known  to  our  officers,  it  was  agreed  that  we  should 
moderate  our  resolutions. 

In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  of  the  24th  the  follow 
ing  articles  were  signed,  and  the  garrison  capitulated: 


I.  Lieutenant-Governor  Hamilton  engages  to  deliver  to  Colonel 
Clark  Fort  Sackville,  as  it  is  at  present,  with  all  the  stores,  etc. 

II.  The  garrison  are  to  deliver  themselves  as  prisoners  of  war, 
and  march  out  with  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  etc. 

III.  The  garrison  to  be  delivered  up  at  ten  o'clock  to-morrow. 

IV.  Three  days'  time  to  be  allowed  the  garrison  to  settle  their 
accounts  with  the  inhabitants  and  traders  of  this  place. 

V.  The  officers  of  the  garrison  to  be  allowed  their  necessary  bag 
gage,  etc. 

Signed  at  Post  St.  Vincent  [Vincennes],  24th  of  February,  1779. 
Agreed  for  the  following  reasons:    the   remoteness   from  succor; 
the  state  and  quantity  of  provisions,  etc.;   unanimity  of  officers  and 
men  in  its  expediency;    the  honorable  terms  allowed;    and,  lastly, 
the  confidence  in  a  generous  enemy. 

(Signed)         HENRY  HAMILTON, 

Lieut.-Gov.  and  Superintendent. 

332 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 


The  morning  of  the  25th  approaching,  arrangements 
were  made  for  receiving  the  garrison  (which  consisted 
of  seventy-nine  men),  and  about  ten  o'clock  it  was  de 
livered  in  form;  and  everything  was  immediately  ar 
ranged  to  the  best  advantage. 


JOHN  PAUL  JONES'S  REPORT  ON  His  GREAT  SEA 
FIGHT,  1779 

Captain  Jones's  official  report  of  his  fight  on 
September  23,  1779,  was  written  on  board  the 
Serapis,  while  lying  off  Holland.  It  was  sent  by 
him  to  Franklin,  then  representing  the  Colonies  in 
France,  for  transmission  to  Congress.  Extract 
from  "Life  and  Correspondence  of  John  Paul 
Jones,"  New  York,  1830,  pp.  180-188.  (See 
page  131.) 

On  the  morning  of  that  day,  the  23d,  the  brig  from 
Holland  not  being  in  sight,  we  chased  a  brigantine  that 
appeared  laying  to,  to  windward.  About  noon,  we  saw 
and  chased  a  large  ship  that  appeared  coming  round 
Flamborough  Head,  from  the  northward,  and  at  the 
same  time  I  manned  and  armed  one  of  the  pilot  boats 
to  send  in  pursuit  of  the  brigantine,  wrhich  now  appeared 
to  be  the  vessel  that  I  had  forced  ashore.  Soon  after 
this,  a  fleet  of  forty-one  sail  appeared  off  Flamborough 
Head,  bearing  N.N.E.  This  induced  me  to  abandon 
the  single  ship  which  had  then  anchored  in  Burlington 
Bay;  I  also  called  back  the  pilot  boat,  and  hoisted  a 
signal  for  a  general  chase.  When  the  fleet  discovered  us 
bearing  down,  all  the  merchant  ships  crowded  sail  tow 
ards  the  shore.  The  two  ships  of  war  that  protected  the 
fleet  at  the  same  time  steered  from  the  land,  and  made 
the  disposition  for  battle.  In  approaching  the  enemy, 
I  crowded  every  possible  sail,  and  made  the  signal  for 
the  line  of  battle,  to  which  the  Alliance  showed  no  at- 

334 


Commodore  axi  Service  cbs  E,tafe-l!nis  clt?  lAnisfa- 


tZ  m<3ma-wrn>tytyit4ta.  /^ 

pendant  t.harow^,  t'tf 


JOHN   PAUL   JONES 
(From  an  old  French  print) 


335 


£  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

tention.  Earnest  as  I  was  for  the  action,  I  could  not 
reach  the  commodore's  ship  until  seven  in  the  evening, 
being  then  within  pistol  shot,  when  he  hailed  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard.  We  answered  him  by  firing  a  whole 
broadside. 

1  he  battle,  being  thus  begun,  was  continued  with  un 
remitting  fury.  Every  method  was  practised  on  both 
sides  to  gain  an  advantage,  and  rake  each  other;  and  I 
must  confess  that  the  enemy's  ship,  being  much  more 
manageable  than  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  gained 
thereby  several  times  an  advantageous  situation,  in 
spite  of  my  best  endeavours  to  prevent  it.  As  I  had  to 
deal  with  an  enemy  of  greatly  superior  force,  I  was  under 
the  necessity  of  closing  with  him,  to  prevent  the  ad 
vantage  which  he  had  over  me  in  point  of  manoeuvre. 
It  was  my  intention  to  lay  the  Bon  Homme  Richard 
athwart  the  enemy's  bow;  but  as  that  operation  required 
great  dexterity  in  the  management  of  both  sails  and 
helm,  and  some  of  our  braces  being  shot  away,  it  did 
not  exactly  succeed  to  my  wish.  The  enemy's  bowsprit, 
however,  came  over  the  Bon  Homme  Richard's  poop  by 
the  mizen-mast,  and  I  made  both  ships  fast  together  in 
that  situation,  which,  by  the  action  of  the  wind  on  the 
enemy's  sails,  forced  her  stern  close  to  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard's  bow,  so  that  the  ships  lay  square  alongside 
of  each  other,  the  yards  being  all  entangled,  and  the 
cannon  of  each  ship  touching  the  opponent's.  When 
this  position  took  place,  it  was  eight  o'clock,  previous  to 
which  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  had  received  sundry 
eighteen-pound  shots  below  the  water,  and  leaked  very 
much.  My  battery  of  twelve-pounders,  on  which  I  had 
placed  my  chief  dependence,  being  commanded  by  Lieu 
tenant  Dale  and  Colonel  Weibert,  and  manned  princi 
pally  with  American  seamen  and  French  volunteers, 
was  entirely  silenced  and  abandoned.  As  to  the  six 
old  eighteen-pounders  that  formed  the  battery  of  the 
lower  gun-deck,  they  did  no  service  whatever,  except 

336 


on  wHLSMAJESTYfc^  St-rapis.  //'/// 


'••ml  .limes  fj///^  American  Ship  ttffWac  c«//f<///if  B<mHoiiimellirh;ml  :  <tt  //'/•'//Action  //" 
Aw/fwvffHtfJisdMvi/ryfsJrMf  f  !onatefs  «r  SrarbcHxrtioli  "'^'  "'•<< 


THE  FIGHT  BETWEEN    THE   "BON    HOMME  RICHARD"   AND  THE  "  SERAPIS ' 
(From  an  old  print) 


VOL.  iv. — 23 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

firing  eight  shot  in  all.  Two  out  of  three  of  them  burst 
at  the  first  fire,  and  killed  almost  all  the  men  who  were 
stationed  to  manage  them.  Before  this  time,  too, 
Colonel  de  Chamillard,  who  commanded  a  party  of  20 
soldiers  on  the  poop,  had  abandoned  that  station  after 
having  lost  some  of  his  men.  I  had  now  only  two  pieces 
of  cannon  (nine-pounders)  on  the  quarter-deck,  that 
were  not  silenced,  and  not  one  of  the  heavier  cannon 
was  fired  during  the  rest  of  the  action.  The  purser,  M. 
Mease,  who  commanded  the  guns  on  the  quarter-deck, 
being  dangerously  wounded  in  the  head,  I  was  obliged 
to  fill  his  place,  and  with  great  difficulty  rallied  a  few 
men,  and  shifted  over  one  of  the  lee  quarter-deck  guns, 
so  that  we  afterwards  played  three  pieces  of  nine- 
pounders  upon  the  enemy.  The  tops  alone  seconded  the 
fire  of  this  little  battery,  and  held  out  bravely  during 
the  whole  of  the  action,  especially  the  main-top,  where 
Lieutenant  Stack  commanded.  I  directed  the  fire  of 
one  of  the  three  cannon  against  the  main-mast,  with 
double-headed  shot,  while  the  other  two  were  exceed 
ingly  well  served  with  grape  and  canister  shot  to  silence 
the  enemy's  musketry,  and  clear  her  decks,  which  was 
at  last  effected.  The  enemy  were,  as  I  have  since  under 
stood,  on  the  instant  of  calling  for  quarter,  when  the 
cowardice  or  treachery  of  three  of  my  under-officers 
induced  them  to  call  to  the  enemy.  The  English  com 
modore  asked  me  if  I  demanded  quarters,  and  I  having 
answered  him  in  the  most  determined  negative,  they 
renewed  the  battle  with  double  fury.  They  were  unable 
to  stand  the  deck;  but  the  fire  of  their  cannon,  especially 
the  lower  battery,  which  was  entirely  formed  of  ten- 
pounders,  was  incessant;  both  ships  were  set  on  fire 
in  various  places,  and  the  scene  was  dreadful  beyond 
the  reach  of  language.  To  account  for  the  timidity  of 
my  three  under-officers, — I  mean,  the  gunner,  the  car 
penter,  and  the  master-at-arms,  I  must  observe,  that 
the  two  first  were  slightly  wounded,  and,  as  the  ship 

338 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

had  received  various  shots  under  water,  and  one  of  the 
pumps  being  shot  away,  the  carpenter  expressed  his 
fears  that  she  would  sink,  and  the  other  two  concluded 
that  she  was  sinking,  which  occasioned  the  gunner  to 
run  aft  on  the  poop,  without  my  knowledge,  to  strike 
the  colours.  Fortunately  for  me,  a  cannon  ball  had 
done  that  before,  carrying  away  the  ensign-staff;  he 
was  therefore  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  sinking,  as 
he  supposed,  or  of  calling  for  quarter,  and  he  preferred 
the  latter. 

All  this  time  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  had  sustained 
the  action  alone,  and  the  enemy,  though  much  superior 
in  force,  would  have  been  very  glad  to  have  got  clear, 
as  appears  by  their  own  acknowledgments,  and  by  their 
having  let  go  an  anchor  the  instant  I  laid  them  on  board, 
by  which  means  they  would  have  escaped,  had  I  not 
made  them  well  fast  to  the  Bon  Homme  Richard. 

At  last,  at  half  past  nine  o'clock,  the  Alliance  ap 
peared,  and  I  now  thought  the  battle  at  an  end;  but, 
to  my  utter  astonishment,  he  discharged  a  broadside 
full  into  the  stern  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard.  We 
called  to  him  for  God's  sake  to  forbear  firing  into  the 
Bon  Homme  Richard;  yet  they  passed  along  the  off 
side  of  the  ship,  and  continued  firing.  There  was  no 
possibility  of  his  mistaking  the  enemy's  ship  for  the 
Bon  Homme  Richard,  there  being  the  most  essential 
difference  in  their  appearance  and  construction,  besides, 
it  was  then  full  moon  light,  and  the  sides  of  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard  were  all  black,  while  the  sides  of  the 
prizes  were  all  yellow.  Yet,  for  the  greater  security,  I 
showed  the  signal  of  our  reconnoissance,  by  putting  out 
three  lanterns,  one  at  the  head,  another  at  the  stern, 
and  the  third  in  the  middle,  in  a  horizontal  line.  Every 
tongue  cried  that  he  was  firing  into  the  wrong  ship, 
but  nothing  availed;  he  passed  round,  firing  into  the 
Bon  Homme  Richard's  head,  stern,  and  broadside,  and 
by  one  of  his  volleys  killed  several  of  my  best  men,  and 

339 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

mortally  wounded  a  good  officer  on  the  forecastle  only. 
My  situation  was  really  deplorable;  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard  received  various  shot  under  water  from  the 
Alliance;  the  leak  gained  on  the  pumps,  and  the  fire 
increased  much  on  board  both  ships.  Some  officers  per 
suaded  me  to  strike,  of  whose  courage  and  good  sense  I 
entertain  a  high  opinion.  My  treacherous  master-at- 

arms  let  loose  all 
my  prisoners 
without  my 
knowledge,  and 
my  prospects  be 
came  gloomy  in 
deed.  I  would 
not,  however, 
give  up  the  point. 
The  enemy's 
main-mast  began 
to  shake,  their 
firing  decreased 
fast,  ours  rather 
increased,  and 
the  British  col 
ours  were  struck 
at  half  an  hour 
past  ten  o'clock. 
This  prize 
proved  to  be  the 
British  ship  of 

war  the  Serapis,  a  new  ship  of  forty-four  guns,  built  on 
the  most  approved  construction,  with  two  complete  bat 
teries,  one  of  them  of  eigh teen-pounders,  and  commanded 
by  the  brave  Commodore  Richard  Pearson.  I  had  yet 
two  enemies  to  encounter,  far  more  formidable  than  the 
Britons,  I  mean,  fire  and  water.  The  Serapis  was  at 
tacked  only  by  the  first,  but  the  Bon  Homme  Richard 
was  assailed  by  both;  there  was  five  feet  water  in  the 

340 


CAPT.  RiCHARD  PEARSON,  COMMANDER  OF  THE 
"SERAPIS" 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 


hold,  and  though  it  was  moderate  from  the  explosion 
of  so  much  gunpowder,  yet  the  three  pumps  that  re 
mained  could  with  difficulty  only  keep  the  water  from 
gaining.  The  fire  broke  out  in  various  parts  of  the 
ship,  in  spite  of  all  the  water  that  could  be  thrown  in 


To   the  P  IT  B  L  I  C. 

HAVING  -yefbrdny,    late  in-th*  ;iAcrnooru  re 
ceived  informationofa  report  ;-irlMihit'jng!iereY 
that  J?ctn-  Lamlais— (who  was  an  ofHrer  in  the  %ia,- 
J  dr.on  I  cnmmaiKied  in  Europe  in  thHate' war,  \nriJ,: 
,'  \vas  iff  America,  broke,  and  rendered  incapable  r,f  |    1 
!  public  fernec,  by  a  Cot-r   Mar  rial— rfor  roatterS  of  a   |    j 
!  date    fahft-rjuent'  to, '  and  ,  uheounci^ed    with,  .the    [ 
'  charges  I  made  againit.  htm  in  Europe,   •< 
of  a  nature  to  vail  his  Hfe  in  'qaeftjofi,  and 


tlie.-jnoft  n»uterial  proofs  have  never  been 
b'ltare  lodged    irt  the  office  of 


$ 

dv  1  perfoiially  inftih  me  in  this  city,  on  Fn<!»y  hft,  j-  i- 
by  fjiUving  in  my  face  :  I  take  this  method  to- do*  -|;.t 
claVe,  that  the  laid  report  is  an  abfolute  fajfljpoct^s-v'j 
ilUeiiVgimpoflible  thnt  fuch  an  iafult  :lholi}<i  have  . 
been- offered  to  me,  with  impunity,  under  any  rir-  •  i 
curtiftances  whatever. 

PAUL 
Monday,    October  Si/tti  1787. 


:J    ;K> 


...1^! 


CARD  OF  PAUL  JONES  PUBLISHED  IN  "NEW  YORK  PACKET1' 

(From  files  of  New  York  Historical  Society) 

to  quench  it,  and  at  length  broke  out  as  low  as  the  powder 
magazine,  and  within  a  few  inches  of  the  powder.  In 
that  dilemma,  I  took  out  the  powder  upon  the  deck, 
ready  to  be  thrown  overboard  at  the  last  extremity,  and 
it  was  ten  o'clock  the  next  day,  the  24th,  before  the  fire 
was  entirely  extinguished.  With  respect  to  the  situa- 

341 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

tion  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  the  rudder  was  cut 
entirely  off,  the  stern  frame  and  transoms  were  almost 
entirely  cut  away,  and  the  timbers,  by  the  lower  deck 
especially  from  the  main-mast  towards  the  stern,  being 
greatly  decayed  with  age,  were  mangled  beyond  my 
power  of  description,  and  a  person  must  have  been  an 
eye  witness  to  form  a  just  idea  of  the  tremendous  scene 
of  carnage,  wreck,  and  ruin  which  everywhere  appeared. 
Humanity  cannot  but  recoil  from  the  prospect  of  such 
finished  horror,  and  lament  that  war  should  be  capable 
of  producing  such  fatal  consequences. 

After  the  carpenters,  as  well  at  Captain  Cottineus  and 
other  men  of  sense,  had  well  examined  and  surveyed  the 
ship  (which  was  not  finished  before  five  in  the  evening), 
I  found  every  person  to  be  convinced  that  it  was  im 
possible  to  keep  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  afloat  so  as 
to  reach  a  port,  if  the  wind  should  increase,  it  being 
then  only  a  very  moderate  breeze.  I  had  but  little  time 
to  remove  my  wounded,  which  now  became  unavoid 
able,  and  which  was  effected  in  the  course  of  the  night 
and  next  morning.  I  was  determined  to  keep  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard  afloat,  and,  if  possible,  to  bring  her 
into  port.  For  that  purpose,  the  first  lieutenant  of  the 
Pallas  continued  on  board  with  a  party  of  men  to  attend 
the  pumps,  with  boats  in  waiting  ready  to  take  them  on 
board,  in  case  the  water  should  gain  on  them  too  fast. 
The  wind  augmented  in  the  night,  and  the  next  day,  on 
the  25th,  so  that  it  was  impossible  to  prevent  the  good 
old  ship  from  sinking.  They  did  not  abandon  her  till 
after  nine  o'clock;  the  water  was  then  up  to  the  lower 
deck,  and  a  little  after  ten  I  saw,  with  inexpressible  grief, 
the  last  glimpse  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard.  No  lives 
were  lost  with  the  ship,  but  it  was  impossible  to  save  the 
stores  of  any  sort  whatever.  I  lost  even  the  best  part 
of  my  clothes,  books,  and  papers;  and  several  of  my 
officers  lost  all  their  clothes  and  effects. 


MAJOR  ANDRE'S   LETTER  TO  WASHINGTON,    1780 

After  his  arrest  and  the  seizure  of  his  papers, 
Andre  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Washing 
ton,  acknowledging  his  identity  and  explaining  his 
conduct.  Text  from  Sparks's  "Writings  of  George 
Washington,"  Vol.  VII.,  Boston,  1855,  pp.  531-532. 
(See  page  140.)' 

Salem  24,  September,  1780. 

Sir, 

What  I  have  as  yet  said  concerning  myself  was  in 
the  justifiable  attempt  to  be  extricated;  I  am  too  little 
accustomed  to  duplicity  to  have  succeeded. 

I  beg  your  Excellency  will  be  persuaded  that  no 
alteration  in  the  temper  of  my  mind,  or  apprehension 
for  my  safety,  induces  me  to  take  the  step  of  addressing 
you,  but  that  it  is  to  rescue  myself  from  an  imputation 
of  having  assumed  a  mean  character  for  treacherous  pur 
poses  or  self-interest;  a  conduct  incompatible  with  the 
principles  that  actuate  me,  as  well  as  with  my  condition 
in  life. 

It  is  to  vindicate  my  fame  that  I  speak,  and  not  to 
solicit  security. 

The  person  in  your  possession  is  Major  John  Andre, 
adjutant-general  to  the  British  army. 

The  influence  of  one  commander  in  the  army  of  his 
adversary  is  an  advantage  taken  in  war.  A  corre 
spondence  for  this  purpose  I  held;  as  confidential  (in 
the  present  instance)  with  his  Excellency  Sir  Henry 
Clinton. 

343 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN   PEOPLE 

To  favor  it,  I  agreed  to  meet,  upon  ground  not  within 
the  posts  of  either  army,  a  person  who  was  to  give  me 
intelligence;  I  came  up  in  the  Vulture  man  of  war  for 
this  effect,  and  was  fetched  by  a  boat  from  the  ship 
to  the  beach.  Being  there,  I  was  told  that  the  ap 
proach  of  day  would  prevent  my  return,  and  that  I 


WASHINGTON'S  HEADQUARTERS  AT  TAPPAN,  NEW  YORK 

(On  October  2, 1780,  Major  Andr6  was  hanged  at  Tappan  as  a  British  Spy) 

must  be  concealed  until  the  next  night.  I  was  in  my 
regimentals,  and  had  fairly  risked  my  person. 

Against  my  stipulation,  my  intention,  and  without 
my  knowledge  beforehand,  I  was  conducted  within  one 
of  your  posts.  Your  Excellency  may  conceive  my  sensa 
tion  on  this  occasion,  and  must  imagine  how  much  more 
must  I  have  been  affected  by  a  refusal  to  reconduct  me 
back  the  next  night  as  I  had  been  brought.  Thus  be 
come  a  prisoner,  I  had  to  concert  my  escape.  I  quitted 
my  uniform,  and  was  passed  another  way  in  the  night, 
without  the  American  posts,  to  neutral  ground,  and 
informed  I  was  beyond  all  armed  parties,  and  left  to 
press  for  New  York.  I  was  taken  at  Tarrytown  by 
some  volunteers. 

Thus,  as  I  have  had  the  honor  to  relate,  was  I  betrayed 

344 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

(being  adjutant-general  of  the  British  army)  into  the 
vile  condition  of  an  enemy  in  disguise  within  your  posts. 

Having  avowed  myself  a  British  officer,  I  have  nothing 
to  reveal  but  what  relates  to  myself,  which  is  true  on 
the  honor  of  an  officer  and  a  gentleman. 

The  request  I  have  to  make  to  your  Excellency,  and 
I  am  conscious  I  address  myself  well,  is,  that  in  any 


MAJOR  JOHN     ANDRE 
(From  an  engraving  by  G.  K.  Sherwin  after  a  painting  by  himself) 

rigor  policy  may  dictate,  a  decency  of  conduct  toward 
me  may  mark,  that  though  unfortunate  I  am  branded 
with  nothing  dishonorable,  as  no  motive  could  be  mine 
but  the  service  of  my  King,  and  as  I  was  involuntarily 
an  impostor. 

345 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

Another  request  is,  that  I  may  be  permitted  to  write 
an  open  letter  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  another  to  a 
friend  for  clothes  and  linen. 

I  take  the  liberty  to  mention  the  condition  of  some 
gentlemen  at  Charleston,  who,  being  either  on  parole 
or  under  protection,  were  engaged  in  a  conspiracy 
against  us.  Though  their  situation  is  not  similar,  they 
are  objects  who  may  be  set  in  exchange  for  me,  or  are 
persons  whom  the  treatment  I  receive  might  affect. 

It  is  no  less,  Sir,  in  a  confidence  of  the  generosity  of 
your  mind,  than  on  account  of  your  superior  station, 
that  I  have  chosen  to  importune  you  with  this  letter. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  Sir,  your 
Excellency's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ANDRE,  Adjutant-general. 


CORNWALLIS'S    SURRENDER    AT    YoRKTOWN,     iy8l 

The  following  is  the  full  text  of  the  articles  of 
capitulation  signed  at  Yorktown  on  October  19, 
1781.  Text  from  Sparks's  "Writings  of  George 
Washington,"  Vol.  VIII.,  Appendix  pages  533-536. 
(See  page  157.) 

Articles  of  capitulation  settled  between  his  Excellency 
General  Washington,  commander-in-chief  of  the  com 
bined  Forces  of  America  and  France;  his  Excellency 
the  Count  de  Rochambeau,  Lieutenant-General  of  the 
Armies  of  the  King  of  France,  Great  Cross  of  the  royal 
and  military  Order  of  St.  Louis,  commanding  the  auxil 
iary  Troops  of  his  Most  Christian  Majesty  in  America; 
and  his  Excellency  the  Count  de  Grasse,  Lieutenant- 
General  of  the  Naval  Armies  of  his  Most  Christian  Maj 
esty,  commander  of  the  Order  of  St.  Louis,  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Naval  Army  of  France  in  the  Chesapeake 
on  the  one  Part:  and  the  Right  Honorable  Earl  Corn- 
wallis,  Lieutenant-General  of  his  Britannic  Majesty's 
forces  commanding  the  Garrisons  of  York  and  Glouces 
ter;  and  Thomas  Symonds,  Esquire,  commanding  his 
Britannic  Majesty's  Naval  Forces  in  York  River,  in 
Virginia,  on  the  other  Part. 

Article  i.  The  garrisons  of  York  &  Gloucester,  includ 
ing  the  officers  and  seamen  of  his  Britannic  Majesty's 
ships,  as  well  as  other  mariners,  to  surrender  themselves 
prisoners  of  war  to  the  combined  forces  of  America  and 
France.  The  land  troops  to  remain  prisoners  to  the 

347 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

United  States,  the  navy  to  the  naval  army  of  his  Most 
Christian  Majesty. 

Granted. 

Article  R. — The  artillery,  arms,  accoutrements,  mili 
tary  chest,  and  public  stores  of  every  denomination, 
shall  be  delivered  unimpaired  to  the  heads  of  depart 
ments  appointed  to  receive  them. 

Granted. 


MARQUIS  CORNWALUS  WHEN   LORD-LIEUTENANT  OF  IRELAND  IN  1798 

348 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

Article  R. — At  twelve  o'clock  this  day  the  two  re 
doubts  on  the  left  flank  of  York  to  be  delivered,  the  one 
to  a  detachment  of  American  infantry,  the  other  to  a 
detachment  of  French  grenadiers. 

Granted. 

The  garrison  of  York  will  march  out  to  a  place  to  be 
appointed  in  front  of  the  posts,  at  two  o'clock  precisely, 
with  shouldered  arms,  colors  cased,  and  drums  beating 
a  British  or  German  march.  They  are  then  to  ground 
their  arms,  and  return  to  their  encampments,  where 
they  will  remain  until  they  are  despatched  to  the 
places  of  their  destination.  Two  works  on  the  Glouces 
ter  side  will  be  delivered  at  one  o'clock  to  a  detachment 
of  French  and  American  troops  appointed  to  possess 
them.  The  garrison  will  march  out  at  three  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon;  the  cavalry  with  their  swords  drawn, 
trumpets  sounding,  and  the  infantry  in  the  manner  pre 
scribed  for  the  garrison  of  York.  They  are  likewise  to 
return  to  their  encampments  until  they  can  be  finally 
marched  ofF. 

Article  R. — Officers  are  to  retain  their  side-arms. 
Both  officers  and  soldiers  to  keep  their  private  property 
of  every  kind;  and  no  part  of  their  baggage  or  papers 
to  be  at  any  time  subject  to  search  or  inspection.  The 
baggage  and  papers  of  officers  and  soldiers  taken  during 
the  siege  to  be  likewise  preserved  for  them. 

Granted. 

It  is  understood  that  any  property  obviously  belong 
ing  to  the  inhabitants  of  these  States,  in  the  possession 
of  the  garrison,  shall  be  subject  to  be  reclaimed. 

Article  R. — The  soldiers  to  be  kept  in  Virginia,  Mary 
land,  or  Pennsylvania,  and  as  much  by  regiments  as 
possible,  and  supplied  with  the  same  rations  or  pro 
visions  as  are  allowed  to  soldiers  in  the  service  of  America. 
A  field-officer  from  each  nation,  to  wit,  British,  Anspach, 
and  Hessian  and  other  officers  on  parole,  in  the  propor 
tion  of  one  to  fifty  men,  to  be  allowed  to  reside  near 

349 


O    'ft 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

their  respective  regiments,  to  visit  them  frequently,  and 
be  witnesses  of  their  treatment;  and  that  their  officers 
may  receive  and  deliver  clothing  and  other  necessaries 
for  them,  for  which  passports  are  to  be  granted  when 
applied  for. 

Granted. 

Article  R  6. — The  general,  staff  and  other  officers  not 
employed  as  mentioned  in  the  articles,  and  who  choose 
it,  to  be  permitted  to  go  on  parole  to  Europe,  to  New 
York,  or  to  any  other  American  Maritime  posts  at  pres 
ent  in  the  possession  of  the  British  forces,  at  their  own 
option;  and  proper  vessels  to  be  granted  by  the  Count 
de  Grasse  to  carry  them  under  flags  of  truce  to  New  York 
within  ten  days  from  this  date,  if  possible,  and  they  to 
reside  in  a  district  to  be  agreed  upon  hereafter,  until 
they  embark. 

The  officers  of  the  civil  department  of  the  army  and 
navy  to  be  included  in  this  article.  Passports  to  go  by 
land  to  be  granted  to  those  to  whom  vessels  cannot  be 
furnished. 

Granted. 

Article  R. — Officers  to  be  allowed  to  keep  soldiers  as 
servants,  according  to  the  common  practice  of  the  ser 
vice.  Servants,  not  soldiers,  are  not  to  be  considered 
as  prisoners,  and  are  to  be  allowed  to  attend  to  their 
masters. 

Granted. 

Article  R. — The  sloop-of-war  to  be  equipped,  and 
navigated  by  its  present  captain  and  crew,  and  left 
entirely  at  the  disposal  of  Lord  Cornwallis  from  the  hour 
that  the  capitulation  is  signed,  to  receive  an  aid-de 
camp  to  carry  despatches  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton;  and  such 
soldiers  as  he  may  think  proper  to  send  to  New  York, 
to  be  permitted  to  sail  without  examination.  When  his 
despatches  are  ready,  his  lordship  engages  on  his  part, 
that  the  ship  shall  be  delivered  to  the  order  of  the  Count 
de  Grasse,  if  she  escapes  the  dangers  of  the  sea.  That 

351 


WASHINGTON   AT   YORKTOWN 
(From  the  painting  attributed  by  Lossing  to  George  Washington  Parke  Custis) 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS 

she  shall  not  carry  off  any  public  stores.  Any  part  of 
the  crew  that  may  be  deficient  on  her  return,  and 
the  soldiers  passengers,  to  be  accounted  for  on  her 
delivery. 

Article  R. — The  traders  are  to  preserve  their  property 
and  to  be  allowed  three  months  to  dispose  of  or  remove 
them;  and  those  traders  are  not  to  be  considered  as 
prisoners  of  war. 

The  traders  will  be  allowed  to  dispose  of  their 
effects,  the  allied  army  having  the  right  of  preemption. 
The  traders  to  be  considered  as  prisoners  of  war  upon 
parole. 

Article  R. — Natives  or  inhabitants  of  different  parts 
of  this  country,  at  present  in  York  or  Gloucester,  are 
not  to  be  punished  on  account  of  having  joined  the 
British  army. 

This  article  cannot  be  assented  to,  being  altogether 
of  civil  resort. 

Article  R. — Proper  hospitals  to  be  furnished  for  the 
sick  and  wounded.  They  are  to  be  attended  by  their 
own  surgeons  on  parole;  and  they  are  to  be  furnished 
with  medicines  and  stores  from  the  American  hospitals. 

The  hospital  stores  now  at  York  and  Gloucester  shall 
be  delivered  for  the  use  of  the  British  sick  and  wounded. 
Passports  will  be  granted  for  procuring  them  further 
supplies  from  New  York,  as  occasion  may  require;  and 
proper  hospitals  will  be  furnished  for  the  reception  of  the 
sick  and  wounded  of  the  two  garrisons. 

Article  R. — Wagons  to  be  furnished  to  carry  the  bag 
gage  of  the  officers  attending  the  soldiers,  and  to  sur 
geons  when  travelling  on  account  of  the  sick,  attending 
the  hospitals  at  public  expense. 

They  are  to  be  furnished  if  possible. 

Article  R. — The  shipping  and  boats  in  the  two  har 
bours,  with  all  their  stores,  guns,  tackling,  and  apparel, 
shall  be  delivered  up  in  their  present  state  to  an  officer 
of  the  navy  appointed  to  take  possession  of  them, 

353 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  PEOPLE 

previously  unloading  the  private  property,  part  of  which 
had  been  on  board  for  security  during  the  siege. 

Granted. 

Article  R. — No  article  of  capitulation  to  be  infringed 
on  pretence  of  reprisals;  and  if  there  be  any  doubtful 
expressions  in  it,  they  are  to  be  interpreted  according 
to  the  common  meaning  and  acceptation  of  the  words. 

Granted. 

Done  at  Yorktown  in  Virginia,  October  igth,  1781. 

CORNWALLIS, 
THOMAS    SYMONDS. 

Done  in  the  trenches  before  Yorktown,  in  Virginia, 
October  igth,  1781. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 
LE  COMTE  DE  ROCHAMBEAU, 
LE  COMTE  DE  BARRAS,  en  mon  nom  &  celu 
du  Comte  de  Grasse. 


THE    END    OF    VOLUME    IV 


This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


1  0   1929 
SEP  28  1937 


WAY  1  5 
JUL  1     1946 


•an  ROD 


Form  L-9-10m-5,'28 


